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 Map of Gwadar

The Gwadar district profile is an attempt to accumulate the available information and to address the socio-economic issues at the district level. Although validity of the data on some sectors is debatable, it may become the point of departure for a regular district level documentation in future.

I would like to thank Mr. Koen de Wilde, Mr. Teun van Dijk, and Dr. Saif Sherani for their continuous guidance and support during the whole task. The review comments made by Dr. Sherani made this profile more area specific and critical.

During the data collection many of the government functionaries extended their sincere co-operation. More knowledge-worthy were the discussions I had with local key informants and common folks. I owe my sincere thanks for all these friends, whose names are hard to be given here. 

Two regimes of local rulers, of Buledais and Gichkis, are worth mentioning here. The Buledais gained power with the rise of the Zikri sect. These rulers are said to be connected with the rulers of Maskat and were called Buledais with reference to the valley of Buleda where they resided. The Buledais ruled the area for more than a century up to the year 1740. In the last years of their regime they embraced Islam. The Zikri folk joined hands with the Gichkis who also were Zikris by faith. The family feuds and internal dissension between Gichkis resulted in nine successful expeditions (either partially or fully) by Mir Nasir Khan I. It is said, that the main motive behind all these expeditions, made by Mir Nasir Khan I, was to eliminate the Zikris as he belonged to the (anti-Zikri) Muslim faith. These expeditions resulted in a division of revenues between the Khan and Gichkis.

In the last quarter of the eighteenth century, Gwadar and the surrounding country fell into the hands of Maskat. Saiad Said succeeded to the masnad of Muscat in 1783 and had a dispute with his brother Saiad Sultan. The latter appears to have fled to Makran and entered into communication with Nasir Khan who granted him the Kalat share of the revenues of Gwadar. Saiad Sultan lived at Gwadar for some time and eventually succeeded in usurping the Sultanate of Maskat in 1797. He died in 1804 and during his sons reign, the Buledai chief of Sarbaz, Mir Dosten, is said to have acquired temporary possession of Gwadar, but a force sent from Maskat regained it. Although it is generally understood that the right of sovereignty in Gwadar was transferred by the Khans of Kalat to Maskat in perpetuity, the Khans and natives of Gwadar have always denounced this perception. The un-irrigated tracts of Kulanch and Dasht valleys have always been connected with Kech.

The first Afghan war (1838-39) directed attention of the British to the area. Major Goldsmith visited the area in 1861 and an Assistant Political Agent was appointed in Gwadar in 1863. Both Pasni and Gwadar have been ports of call for the steamers of the British India Steam Navigation Company. The first ever telegraphic link to this area was made in 1863 when Gwadar was linked to Karachi. Telegraph offices were opened at Gwadar and Pasni. Later post offices were opened at Gwadar in 1894 and at Pasni in 1903. Ormara was linked telegraphically in 1904.

After the division of the Indian subcontinent into two sovereign states, areas except Gwadar and its surroundings, joined the Balochistan States Union, as part of Makran state. In early 1949 along with Kalat, Lasbela and Kharan. In October 1955, Makran was given the status of a district of former West Pakistan province after its accession to Pakistan. In 1958, Gwadar and its surrounding area was reverted back from Maskat to Pakistan and was made a tehsil of Makran district. On 1st July 1970, when one unit was dissolved and Balochistan gained the status of a province, Makran became one of its 8 districts. On 1st July 1977, Makran was declared a division and was divided into three districts, named Panjgur, Turbat (renamed Kech) and Gwadar. Gwadar was notified as a district on July 1, 1977 with its headquarters at Gwadar town.

A stone-built domed shrine of some saint at Gwadar is said to be centuries old. It may be the same one indicated in the Gazetteer of Balochistan. A square fort along with a tower is present amidst the Memon Muhallah of Gwadar. It is near the old bungalow of the Assistant Political Agent to the Governor General (therefore renowned as governor’s house). Moreover, the fort of Saiad Sultan is still in good condition and is being used as a police station.

According to the land use statistics, only one sixth (16.4%) of the total geographical area of Gwadar is reported. The village area is known, but all other area is know as "being not reported". Only 3.4 percent of the total area is potentially available for cultivation and about 70 percent of this area is culturable waste. This situation indicates a high level of under-exploitation of the district resources. Most of the reported area is not available for cultivation. Time series data reveal that the area under cultivation has increased gradually except in 1995-96 for which data was obtained directly from the office of the Assistant Director, Agriculture Extension. There seems a discrepancy in the land use data provided by the Agricultural Statistics of Balochistan and those of the Assistant Director.

The district has forest on some area from where fuel wood is obtained. According to the Irrigation Department, pasture lands substantiate livestock farming. The district has a relatively high grazing capacity.

Gwadar district has about 600 kilometres long coastal line which provides great potential for fisheries.

At Pasni the main mass runs down southward to the sea after which it again retreats to enclose the Kulanch valley, on the western side of which it once more sends down an offshoot south-ward in the shape of the Koh-e-Dramb. Throughout its length, the ridges of which it is composed increase gradually in height towards north, the watershed being formed in the extreme north. As the slopes approach the sea, the height of the hills decreases and in many places they are a little more than a mass of hillocks.

The coast line of Gwadar district is about 600 kilometres long. The coast extends in an east - west direction, generally being somewhat convex. Owing to the little rainfall, the salt nature of the soil and the physical conformation of the country, it is almost entirely desert. It presents a succession of arid clay plains impregnated with saliferous matter and intersected with water courses. From these plains rise precipitous table-hills, with most fantastic peaks and pinnacles, varying in height above sea level from about 600 meters to hillocks of 6 to 9 meters high. Further inland, ranges of mountains of varying height extend parallel to the coast and to each other, bare, rugged and scorched.

The coast line is deeply indented with bays, but its most characteristic feature is the repeated occurrence of promontories and peninsulas of white clay cliffs capped with coarse limestone or shelly breccia which all approach the table-topped form. The intermediate coast is low, with white high sand hills or low sand hills with bushes and tufts, of grass or in some places a strip of very low sand with extensive salt water and mangrove swamps behind it. There is little vegetation to be seen except here and there a clump of date trees indicating a village. Near the sea, the rivers, which are frequently dry or nearly so, become salt water creeks.

The surroundings are generally regular, the bank generally running out to about 24 kilometres where it ends abruptly sometimes quite precipitously. Webb Bank near Astalu island had been the only place dangerous to navigation along the coast of Balochistan. The rise and fall of the tide varies in different parts from 2 to 3 meters and may generally be considered about 2.5 meters at springs.

There are a few good harbours in the district. The principal ports are Jiwani, Gwadar, Pasni, and Ormara. There is a small island named Astola, lying about 20 kilometres off the coast and some 40 kilometres from Pasni. The important rivers and streams in the district include, Shadi Kaur, Sawar, and Dasht river with its tributaries Nilag and Daddeh.

Aridity prevails all over the district because average annual rainfall is below 250 mm and in some years annual rainfall was even below 100 mm. Both the monsoons and the Western Depressions result in scanty rainfall but overall precipitation level remains low. According to the Pakistan Meteorological Department, total annual precipitation in 1994 was 159.1 mm at Pasni and 110.6 mm at Jiwani.

The Pakistan Meteorological Department has two stations in Gwadar district but meteorological data is not being compiled properly. However the available rainfall data for the last three years confirm the "dry arid" climatic category of the area. There is no regular pattern of rainfall in the district. In 1993, total annual rainfall at Jiwani was 27.0 mm while in 1994 it was 110.6 mm. In 1995, rainfall in just one month exceeded the total annual precipitation in 1994 as it was 113.0 mm in December 1995. The extent of precipitation affects the supply of drinking water in Gwadar district as most of it is provided from reservoirs which are rain-dependent.

In Gwadar district, soil is of two types: Alluvial soil and lithosols and rigosols. The valley of Dasht river in the western part of the district and the Kulanch valley in the north consist of alluvial soil. The foothills are covered with talus cones and alluvial fans generally composed of gravel, pebbles, and sands. Beyond the foothills, the valley floors are covered with silt and loam. These are fertile soils of great agricultural value in the rocky waste. The mountainous area of the district is covered with lithosols and rigosols. Limestone, shale and sandstone are the main rocks involved in the formation of this area. Volcanic rocks cover the area in patches. Limestone yields very little soils. Most of the soils formed on the slopes are removed by wind, water, and gravity. These stony soils lie over the bedrock and are classified as lithosols. Over the flatter areas, rigosols dominate. These are also soils but unlike lithosols they are usually not stony.

In Gwadar, soil is divided into two local categories; milk for khushkaba and kallar for uncultivated areas. Milk, found in Kulanch valley, is white soft clay brought down from the hills and deposited by the streams and hill torrents. It is considered fit for all kinds of grain crops, specially wheat. It has a great capacity of moisture retention thus it does not crack or harden. Kallar is the soil which is impregnated with salt. The largest tracts of kallar are to be found near the coast as at Kalmat, and between Jiwani and Gabd.

With the virtual absence of vegetation, soil formation is minimal. Soil in the dry crop (khushkaba) areas has some agricultural value. Khushkaba lands are flood irrigated. Torrential waters from hill slopes bring along nutrient enriched soil which is highly valuable for agriculture. Soil erosion through wind is more potent in desert and semi-desert areas of the district because of minimal vegetation. A Sand Dune Stabilisation Project has been started in the district with financial support of the World Bank.

Although the Inspectorate of Mines has reported no mining activity in the district, the Gazetteer of Balochistan points out some mineral resources which were being exploited at that time. Aluminium Sulphate mixed with Ferrous Sulphate was obtained from a mine near Shamal Bandar and was used for producing a black dye. There was a sulphur mine near the Mazwar Kaur in the neighbourhood of Pasni. A chemical examination of water from springs at Kallag in Kulanch indicated the presence of a large amount of Sulphured Hydrogen.

Salt is manufactured throughout the district and is obtained by the evaporation of sea or rain water which leaves behind good quality salt. Sea or rain water is stored in pans or pools. Sometimes high tides also brought the sea water in.

The vegetation in Gwadar consists mainly of grasses and spiny scrubs. Grass and fodder plants are fairly numerous in the district. The landscape is featured with chish (acacia), chigird, and kahur (prosopis spicigera) in the plains and gazz (tamarix galica) or tamarisk trees in the beds of torrents. Fodder grass is plentiful and found in places where water is scarce. Some plants of pharmaceutical importance including aishak, guldir, morpuzo, danichk (Ispaghol), keraich, udesh are also found in the district. A frequently found plant is pish (nannorhops ritchieana) or dwarf palm which is used for construction of huts in some areas of the district.

Fuel wood and kerosene oil is mainly used for cooking and heating, while diesel is used to run tubewells. Kerosene oil is used for illumination, wherever the electric supply is scarce. All most all the kerosene oil, diesel, and petrol comes from Iran through cross-border trade. As this trade is in violation of the country laws, a record of total import in this way is not available. The price difference in Iranian and Pakistani petroleum products is significant and vigilance on cross-border trade is not at par. Therefore this illegal trade flourishes well. One litre of petrol is available for 11 rupees, of diesel for 6 rupees and that of kerosene oil for 10 rupees. The only Pakistani petroleum product being sold in the district to some extent is diesel because it is without any contamination hence good for motor vehicles. The consumption of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) is increasing, mainly for cooking. Electricity, where available, is used for light mainly. Only 3 tubewells have yet been provided with electricity supply connections.

Fuel wood comes from Nigor and Dasht areas of the district. The price of fuel wood is increasing; at present 40 kilograms of fuel wood cost rupees one hundred. Regular electricity supply is the need of the area. People like to enjoy modern electric appliances, which only is possible if electricity supply is regular.

Land, having little agricultural potential, is threatened by wind erosion. The wind blowing at high speed strips off the upper layer (about 5 cm thick) of soil which has most of the nutrients necessary for cultivation. Wind erosion can be said as one reason behind less soil formation and consequent less agricultural activities in Gwadar.

Although overall population density is very low in the district, the human settlements are very densely populated. This thickly located population becomes a problem in the absence of civic facilities. The sewerage system is absent, except in Gwadar and Pasni town areas. The solid waste disposal system is not effective. People throw their household garbage just outside their houses in the streets, and drainage in most cases is without any channel. The sewerage and drainage system has been constructed by the Gwadar and Pasni municipal committees but it is functional only in Gwadar town, while in Pasni it is non-functional due to lack of repair and maintenance. The Gwadar Municipal Committee has arranged 3 and the Pasni Municipal Committee has arranged 2 tractor trolleys for the collection of household garbage. They throw the garbage mostly in open places near the sea and sometimes burn it there. This situation poses serious environmental threats to not only the health of inhabitants but also to the marine life near the Makran coast. This threat is more serious in other small villages as there is no solid waste collection arrangement on communal level.

Noise pollution is not a problem in Gwadar due to little traffic. As there is no industry chemical pollution of soil is also not there. It may be concluded that presently the district is facing environmental threats of soil erosion (green pollution) and solid waste management (grey pollution).

According to the land use statistics most of the reported area in Gwadar district is not available for agriculture and 83.6 percent of the area is not yet reported. The water available is saline, not suitable for irrigation. The agricultural activities depend upon rain water only. There is intense need to promote saline water crops like oil seeds. However a long coast line has great potential for fisheries but it needs to be developed. Average annual rainfall is less than 250 mm therefore aridity is prevalent in the area. The climate is generally temperate in the district.

Wind erosion being a major environmental threat needs afforestation as a protective measure. The Sand Dunes Stabilisation Project has been started in the district. Grey pollution also needs attention of public health planners which is causing severe health hazards.

Fuel wood and petroleum products are used as energy sources, as the electricity supply is not regular. Cross-border import has made the availability of petroleum products easy and affordable. The district has not been explored for minerals. At present salt is the only mineral being produced in Gwadar.

After an overview of the district resources it might be concluded that the district has potential for fisheries and agriculture. To develop this potential small scale loans may be provided to the fishermen and boat-makers and salt resistant crops may be introduced in the district.

Since independence, four population censuses have been conducted: in 1951, 1961, 1972, and 1981. The new census was due in 1991 but due to political forces it could not be executed. The data provided by previous censuses do not present a consistent trend. The Planning Commission indicated under-enumeration of population in the 1961 census by 7.5 percent. Usually male enumerators are deputed to interview the respondents, male members of the household in most cases. This may give rise to an issue of invisibility of females in the census data, specially in the productive sector. Female family members are usually less reported due to a social desirability factor. Their participation in the productive sector is also ignored. All the enumerators of the census, as well as the supervisory officials, were government employees who, as a matter of routine, were not very careful about the validity of the censuses. Supervision has also been ineffective and manipulation of the census data has been a common practice. Keeping in view all these facts, reliability of all these censuses can be questioned.

The NIPS projections (1995) for the district’s population show an annual growth rate of 2.6 percent which is the same as it was in the inter-censal period 1972-81. The increase in the population density has been changing since the first census after the partition. 

The population growth rates for the district have been inconsistent right from the initial censuses. During the inter-censal period 1951-61, the annual population growth rate was 4.8 percent which increased to 5.3 percent in the next 11 years (1961-72). The population growth rate during 1972-81 period reduced to a half of the previous growth rate, i.e., 2.6 percent which remained unchanged in the next 1981-95 period. This trend indicates an exaggerated over-enumeration of population in the 1961-72 period or under-enumeration in the 1972-81 period, either erroneously or intentionally under some vested interests. The recent growth rate of the population, which has been calculated on the basis of projections of population for 1995, made by NIPS, is lower than that of Pakistan (3.1%). In 1981, total fertility rate in the district was 8.5. It further confuses the issue since, if the total fertility rate of the district is higher than that of Pakistan, how come the annual growth rate can hardly be lesser than the country’s one. These fluctuating growth trend cannot completely be explained. 

In 1981, about one third (37.0%) of the total population was eligible to vote (21 years of age and above) while the adult population (18 years of age and above) was 42.6 percent. Women of the child bearing age (15-49 years) constituted 18.5 percent of the total population. The population of 15 years and above was 53,264 out of which 24.0 percent were never married. The currently married were 68.0 percent. The divorcees and widowers were 0.8 and 7.4 percent respectively. Mean age at marriage for females in Gwadar district was 20.3 years.

According to the 1981 census, the majority (55.2%) of the population in the district is dependent, either below the age of 15 or above 65 years of age. The youth dependency ratio is 117.3 percent while the old age dependency ratio is 5.7 percent. An overall dependency ratio of 123.0 percent is a significant burden on the earning population. This situation increases the economic pressure for the families which may result in child labour and malnutrition of both the women and children, usually the neglected strata of the society.

The definition of urban area has been changing in different censuses. In 1972, urban areas included municipal corporations, municipal committees, cantonment boards, and town committees. Other places having a concentration of population of at least 5,000 persons in continuous collection of houses where the community sense was well developed and the community maintained public utilities, such as roads, street lighting, water supply, sanitary arrangements, etc., were also treated as urban areas. These places were generally centres of trade and commerce with a population mostly non-agricultural and with a comparatively higher literacy rate. As a special case, a few areas having the above urban characteristics but with a population less than 5,000 persons were also treated as urban. The 1981 census defined the urban locality on the basis of type of local government institutions. All the localities which were either metropolitan corporation, municipal corporation, municipal committee, town committee or cantonment at the time of census, were treated as urban. The definition of urban areas in 1961 census is not given in the census reports. This variation and unavailability of the definition of urban area has made the comparative analysis a difficult task. 

According to 1981 census, more the one third (38.5%) of the population of Gwadar district is urban, mainly located in Gwadar and Pasni municipal committee areas and Ormara town committee area. The highest of the urban population ratio can be observed at the time of 1972 census (40.6%), a slight increase after 1961 census when a sudden rise from 15.2 percent was observed in 1951. This unprecedented change in proportion of urban population can only be defined in terms of change of definition.

Most of the human settlements are alongside the coast of Arabian Sea as fisheries is the main economic activity. The towns of Gwadar, Pasni, Ormara, and Jiwani have a long history of human settlements. Other remarkable localities are Pishukan, Sur Bandar, Gabd, Suntsar, Kappar, Gunz, Tank, Nokhbur, Shinzani, Chur, Rambra, Gursunt, Makola, Jafri, Had, and Kulmir Sunt. According to the 1981 census, there were 104 (excluding 2 un-inhabited) Mauzas/villages. The individual population of only 2 Mauzas was above 5,000 while 88 had a population of less than 1,000. The rest of the district is rather sparsely populated. See e.g. the map of the distribution of schools in chapter 7.3, which reflects the spatial distribution of the population.

The Balochs constitute an overwhelming proportion (about 98%) of the population in the district while the remaining part include Punjabis, Sindhis, Pushtuns, Brahvis, and others. Balochi is the language spoken in almost all the homes in the district. However this Balochi is a different dialect from that spoken in Dera Bugti and Kohlu. Balochi spoken in Gwadar has relatively less Persian words than the Balochi spoken in Panjgur and Kech. It has great variation as far as accent is concerned. Accent varies from village to village, even located in close vicinity of each other. Urdu is the second major language for communication in the area, specially because of people’s links to Karachi.

The vast majority of the fishermen, who operate small fishing boats cannot carry out fishing in summer months because the sea is very rough. These fishermen migrate to other areas in search of work. Most of them go to Karachi and some to other areas of Makran. Information about the extent of this migration is not available.

The largest number of overseas migrants from Makran division belong to Gwadar district. A substantial number of men are working in the Oman army and in other Gulf states. Compared to other districts of Makran, more persons from Gwadar possess Omani nationality. According to the census of 1981, 2,775 persons of the district went abroad between 1971 and 1981.

Because of regular pattern of international migration, Gwadar district remained chronically an area of labour scarcity in different sectors. Therefore, demand for labour from other areas continued unabated. According to the census of 1981 total number of in-migrants was 1,459. It is estimated that about 70 percent of the labour in construction and service sector belong to other provinces. In Gwadar town all restaurants and hotels are managed and operated by Bengalis. Participation of Afghan refugees in the labour force is negligible.

In 1981, civilian labour force constituted 28.0 percent of the population in Gwadar district. About half (49.3%) of the male population and a small percentage (4.3%) of the females participated in the labour force. The urban and rural labour force participation rates were 24.3 and 30.4 percent respectively. The major occupation group "Fishermen, agricultural, animal husbandry and forestry workers and hunters" was adopted by a majority (67.1%) of the labour force. Fishing is the main occupation and majority of the labour force in this occupation is native and resident of coastal areas of the district. Migrant workers are not employed in this profession. Agricultural labour force is very small and is almost local. The non-resident workers are involved in tasks needing skills, specially the construction work and service sector. At present a mason charges 300 rupees a day while a labourer takes 120 rupees per day. Other craftsmen get wages according to the nature of the task.

The visible labour force in the district consists mainly of males. However women are involved in various productive sectors, including agriculture, livestock farming, handicrafts, and fisheries related activities. Fishing nets for instance are made by women also. In Gwadar women are proprietors of many shops because the male family members have migrated to the Gulf states for employment.

The main reason behind the invisibility of female labour force is the socio-cultural milieu of the district. Women of upper income groups are not allowed to work outside their homes. Veil is considered necessary for these women. Darzada and Lori women have been used to work outside their homes but these days they also follow the Baloch traditions as the segregative group boundaries between Balochs and Golams are now merging. Urbanisation is very slow in the area thus the consequent socio-cultural change, allowing and sometimes necessitating the women’s active participation in the labour force, is also slow.

The education expansion has resulted in participation of women in the formal sector, specially in education. Nowadays women are occupying jobs as teachers and educational administrators, where they have to deal mostly with females.

According to the 1980 housing census, the district was reported having 17,177 houses. On the average a house was occupied by 6.0 persons and crowding per room was only marginally less. Most (90.0%) of the houses comprised only one room while the remaining (10.0%) had more than one rooms. Boundary wall was around almost all the houses.

The Local Government and Rural Development Department has introduced two housing schemes in the district. Singar Housing Projects, Gwadar has been planned on about 600 hectares of area on Koh-e-Batil. Because of the expected deep sea port at Gwadar, this housing project has gained importance among the bureaucracy, politicians, and the general public. It was told that there may hardly be any higher official who does not have a plot here. Zarrien Housing Scheme is initiated in Pasni.

In 1980, about 97 percent of the houses were occupied by the owners while only some houses were rented out. Some houses were given to others rent-free. Renting is found in urban area only, as in rural areas there is no tradition of renting out ones house. The practice of renting out the houses has increased, mainly, due to establishment of various government offices in the district, which do not have their own buildings. Similarly most of the immigrant labour also live at rented places.

There have been a tremendous change in construction material being used for buildings. Previously mud and un-baked bricks were mostly used for construction of houses and specially for courtyard walls. Roofs were made of trunks and leaves of date trees. In some areas, pish mates are used with date tree branches for construction of abodes. The houses having roofs made of girders/beams and kiln bricks were 87 percent. RCC or RBC construction was very rare. According to 1980 housing census, 92 percent of the houses were constructed after creation of Pakistan. Twenty five percent of the houses were constructed in the period of 1975-80.

Nowadays, many buildings are being constructed with concrete blocks made of cement, gravel crush and sand. Roofs in such buildings are constructed using RCC or iron girders and concrete blocks or kiln bricks or tiles while the walls are constructed with concrete blocks. However, mud and un-baked bricks are still the main construction material for houses. Interestingly the chimneys of houses made of mud are plastered with cement so that they can survive in the rains.

Kerosene oil lamps are used in most of the houses as source of light. In Gwadar town electricity is supplied daily for 12 hours only (9:30-16:30 & 18:30-23:30 hours). Electric appliances are used for light and rarely for cooking. Only Pasni has regular electricity supply. Ormara and Jiwani have their own power generation plants. These plants provide electricity supply for limited hours as per local requirement. A very few people have generators to produce electricity by their own. In Gwadar district a total of 4,392 electricity supply connections were provided up to February 1997, out of which 3,445 were domestic connections. Keeping in view the number of houses (17,177 in 1980) in the district electricity supply coverage seems quite insufficient.

Cooking is done mainly by using fuel wood. Kerosene oil stoves are also used for cooking to some extent as petroleum products are relatively cheaper in Gwadar due to cross-border trade. Liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) is also available in cylinders which is mainly used for cooking. At present about 4,000 cylinders, each containing 11 kg of LPG, were being supplied per month in the whole district. Fuel wood is collected by both the males and females. Some people supply fuel wood on commercial basis after cutting it from forest or wood lands in Kulanch and Dasht valleys.

According to the 1980 housing census, 90 percent of the houses had only one room for multipurpose use. In urban areas, Gwadar, Pasni, and Ormara, a separate kitchen was available in two third of the houses, separate bathrooms in 71 percent of the houses, and separate latrines in 24 percent of the houses. Latrines with flush were very few (1%). Houses without kitchen constituted 20 percent and without bathroom 17 percent while 64 percent of the houses were without any latrine facility.

In 1981, about one third of the households had access to piped drinking water. Around 40 percent of the houses were using drinking water obtained from open surface wells while 13 percent of the households were obtaining drinking water from springs and karezes. Houses having latrines with a flush system were very few.

The Public Health Engineering Department (PHED) has completed 26 water supply schemes till March 1997, all of which are functional, providing drinking water to 96 percent of the population. In some water supply schemes, drinking water is supplied to the houses through pipelines while in others community tanks have been constructed at relatively central places from where people fetch water. In case the source of drinking water is not located inside the house, usually it is the duty of the women or children to fetch water for household needs.

The Water and Sanitation Section of the Local Government and Rural Development Department (LG&RDD) has recently completed a project in collaboration with UNICEF under which construction of 200 latrines at public places has been carried out throughout the district. However some of these latrines were constructed in government offices which may not be considered as public places. Most of the houses in Gwadar have dry latrines while some houses have latrines with flush system. The municipal committee Gwadar has 3 tractor trolleys for collection and disposal of household garbage but this arrangement is inadequate. Same is the case with Pasni municipal committee which has 2 tractor-trolleys.

The population, increasing at a growth rate of 2.6 percent and with a population density 11.1 per square kilometre (in 1997), is overwhelmingly Baloch. Average household size in Gwadar is 6 and more than half of its population is dependent. The total fertility rate has been 8.5 and mean age at marriage for females has been 20.3. Inconsistent population growth trends indicate unreliability of census data. There is an immense need for a more carefully executed fresh census. The dubious under-enumeration of females and cultural deprivation, which result in their lesser share in all areas of life, should be kept in mind while making policies and devising strategies.

The majority of the population resides in rural areas and is deprived of all civic facilities. Provision of safe drinking water, solid waste disposal, link roads, and electricity supply are some of the basic prerequisites for their development. Usually the women and children fetch drinking water from community sources and collect fuel wood in many households.

The major economic activity is fishing followed by agriculture, livestock farming, and government service. Only few women are involved in formal sector employment. However they are allied workers in fisheries, agriculture, and livestock farming. They are good at handicrafts.

3. Social Organisation

Historically the society in Gwadar was divided in three social strata, Hakims, Balochs, and Hizmatgars, locally known as Darzadas or Golams. Hakims constituted privileged class of the society as they were owners of the land, free to kill any Baloch or Darzada without any fear of blood compensation. Balochs being intermediary class were basically pastoralists, partially settled and semi-agriculturists. They were relatively in better position than Hizmatgars who were the lowest socio-economic stratum of the society. This becomes visible by the amount given for blood compensation which ranged from 2,000 to 3,000 rupees for a Baloch and from 500 to 1500 rupees for a Hizmatgar.

As a result of social changes Hakims lost their influence as tribal chiefs and the social class system gave way to economic compromises. Presently all the inhabitants of the area are known by a common name, Baloch and calling someone Darzada or Golam is considered as derogatory. But the fact is that social class boundaries lost their existence between Hakims and Balochs but not between these two dominant strata and Hizmatgars. Hakims still believe in endogamy however now they accept inter-marriages with Balochs. Some Balochs get married with Hizmatgar girls, mainly due to the lesser amount of labb (bride price) or haq mehr (dower) , but this is not a common practice.

As the society in Gwadar is transforming into a semi-urban society, socio-cultural change is on its way. Educational expansion has broken down old chains and economic status has become the major determinant of social status. This has affected the whole socio-cultural scenario. Now the Hizmatgars have become a political force under various political parties playing their effective role in electing representatives to the constituent assemblies and local bodies institutions.

The district has a predominant tradition of joint families. Male siblings reside under one household even after their marriage. However, some nuclear families are also there. New life styles have motivated people for a nuclear family system but sometimes economic requirements and sometimes cultural values restrain them from adopting this type of family system. If brothers are employed abroad, it becomes a moral and cultural obligation of the brothers staying at home to live in a joint family and look after the families of brothers abroad. If parents are in old age then also it is considered duty of the children to look after them.

The family ties are still good and relatively less materialistic. The family plays its role of social control instrument very effectively by means of socialisation. As a social institution, the family still is functional. In Gwadar the family pattern is patriarchal and patrilocal in most cases.

In Gwadar district, marriage rituals significantly differ from those in other areas of Balochistan. Unlike other parts of Balochistan, labb (bride price) or haq mehr (dower) received in a marriage contract is owned by the bride herself and she has the full right of spending or dispensing it. Haq mehr is more prevalent in Gwadar and the parents of the bride do not get any money from the groom’s parents. Endogamy is the prevalent style of marriage specially among Hakims. Most of the people are monogamous as a second marriage is expensive. The custom of bride exchange is not practised in Gwadar.

The marriage starts with search of a bride by the grooms father. Mothers have very little role in decision making about the marriage of their son or daughter. Neither the groom nor the bride is allowed to choose his or her life partner. Decision of the parents is considered final, however sometimes the bridegroom is consulted before the final decision. When parents of the groom selects a bride for their son, they make a formal proposal to the bride’s parents who have full authority to accept or reject the proposal. If both parties agree for marriage, details of the marriage including amount of haq mehr and dates of wedding are finalised. Some people arrange mangni (engagement ceremony) also. Customary haq mehr contains 40 sona (about 110 grams of gold), 80 date trees, some land along with irrigation water rights, and 20-30 pieces of clothes are given by the groom to the bride. At the time of nikah the parents of the groom give about 10 thousand rupees, 2 bags of floor, 1 bag of sugar, 1 bag of rice, 1 tin of ghee (cooking oil), enough quantity of condiments and spices, and 5-6 goats or sheep to the bride’s parents for arranging a feast. After marriage, the groom stays for three nights at the bride’s home. After that he takes her to his home.

The bride has full autonomy in using, spending, or selling the items received as haq mehr. Only a part of the haq mehr is paid in actual at the time of marriage and the remaining is given in written form. If the husband divorces his wife, he will have to pay the haq mehr in full. If the wife demands divorce, she will have to withdraw from all her rights on haq mehr. The wife’s rights on haq mehr not only give her economic independence to some extent, but also raise her social status. This is the reason that the amount of haq mehr is considered a matter of social prestige for both the parties. After the death of the wife, the amount of haq mehr is divided among her children according to Muslim inheritance laws.

In Gwadar district society is structured on kinship basis. Tribal identity has lost its importance and Baloch is a common identity. All decisions are made at household level and no tribal structure is present to make collective decisions. Communal leadership is a function of aged people in the community. Sometimes educated individuals are accepted as community leaders, specially in collective welfare and development. Wealth does play some role in political popularity but the people have elected educated individuals from middle income group as their representatives in the previous provincial and national assembly elections. Education and social relationships are also basis of local leadership.

Unlike many other parts of Balochistan, society here is liberal and there is no place at all for authoritarian ethos or leadership. The vestiges of the sardari system have been eliminated to a great extent. The tribal leaders, sardars, nawabs, and kahodas, are still there but their role has been minimised in politics or decision making. In case of conflict, parties go to court of law instead of any tribal jirga. Political consciousness is wide spread and all political decisions are made individually or, at the maximum, at family level. However people do co-operate in collective welfare activities, for example, people have organised many football clubs in the area.

Co-operation is a prerequisite for survival of a society. Co-operation is necessary for welfare as well as development activities. People in the district have very old traditions of co-operation. One of the forms of co-operation is called bijar or sarrech. This is a system of making contribution by members of the tribe or community to arrange labb or haq mehr for marriage. Usually people contribute according to their affordability and a reciprocal contribution is made later on by the receiving party at marriage of the giving party.

A newly introduced form of co-operation is management of water supply schemes by the community. These schemes were completed by the Public Health Engineering Department and afterwards handed over to Water Management Associations, committees formed amongst the community. These associations fix tariff for water consumers, operate and manage the schemes, and arrange for minor repairs up to 10 thousand rupees, if needed.

At least 13 community based organisations are presently active in the district for social welfare, providing training in embroidery and tailoring to girls, and promoting expansion of educational facilities.

According to the 1981 census, the Muslims constitute an overwhelming majority of population in Gwadar while the remaining population include Christians, Ahmadis, Hindus, Parsis, and Sikhs. Zikri, a significant religious faith in Makran, is not mentioned in the 1981 census. The reason is that Zikris claim to be Muslims while the Sunni Muslims denounce their claim. The beliefs and rituals practised by Zikris are completely different from those of Islam. The Zikris believe in a new prophet and deny the performance of the most important rituals of Islam. The Zikris taking their name from the Arabic word zikr (remembering the Almighty) believe that only repeating the litany is a valid form of worship. The Zikris repudiate the performance of nimaz (Muslim prayer five times a day) and name other Muslims as Nimazi. The most important of the rituals is performed on the 27th day of Ramazan when the barefoot Zikris circumbulate the koh-i-murad and perform other rituals. This is called hajj (Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca) of Zikris. In the past probably Zikris also named this ritual as hajj but now the Zikri call it simply a ziarat (visit to a shrine). According to an estimate, a majority of the population in Gwadar district are from the Zikri faith. They mainly reside in Kallag, Pasni, Gwadar, and Dasht valley.

The conflict between Muslims and Zikris is centuries old. Zikri religion is said to have originated about four centuries ago. It is believed to be introduced in Makran with the rise of the Buledais. When the Buledais converted from Zikri faith to Islam, the Zikri folk denied their rule and supported Gichkis who were Zikris by faith. Mir Nasir Khan of Kalat sent nine expeditions to make the Zikri faith in Makran obsolete. Many a times religious scholars from both sides of the Iran border called for jihad (sacred fight) against Zikris and organised efforts were made to eliminate Zikris or to convert them to Islam. The most recent conflict surfaced in 1987 when a Zikri mullah (religious leader) challenged the Muslims for a munazara (arguments and counter-arguments) on trueness of Zikris. Almost all the Islamic religious parties took it as a stimulus and demanded for a proclamation by the government to declare Zikris as non-Muslims. In Ramazan, they gathered in Turbat, where the Koh-i-murad is located, and tried to stop Zikris from performing their rituals. For the last two years this conflict has been cooled down as the Muslim scholars have decided to preach Zikris in a passive way and create awareness about the misleading beliefs of Zikris. It is said that a large scale conversion of Zikris to Islam has happened due to preaching. However, Zikri sources denounce this claim and say that the campaign initiated by the Muslim ulema (scholars) has strengthened the boundaries of their faith.

In Gwadar, sectarian violence is minimal. The proportion of the Zikris and of the people belonging to Sunni sect of Islam is almost equal. The Sunni Muslims believe in Hanfi interpretation of Shariah. Generally, these folks have religious attitudes and practice Islam according to its fundamental principles. Inheritance is divided according to the Islamic principles and daughters are given their property rights accordingly. All Islamic festive days are celebrated with zeal and fervour. The Zikri population practice their faith with independence and Muslim-Zikri clashes are very rare.

Gwadar district is a relatively peaceful area. Tribal vendettas are rare and usually do not prolong for years. However common conflicts arise from time to time and are solved at community level or by court of law. In case of conflict between two individuals only the families or closest friends take sides, so there are rare chances that personal conflicts will transform into a tribal vendetta.

The Jirga system has been there but after the Balochistan High Court decision, it has been abolished. Now people try to mediate their conflicts at community level by involving old wise men or common friends as mediators. Otherwise they pursue a resolution through a court of law. It was told that usually people do not want to go to the police, but the political leaders try to involve the police in interpersonal conflicts because afterwards these politicians can gain a position of godfathers and will be able to exploit the simple folks.

Gwadar is a frontier district having sea as well as land borders which makes it ideal for illegal arms smugglers. However use of these arms in the district is not frequent and mostly these firearms are transported to the neighbouring districts. Various types of assault rifle are available for 12 to 20 thousand rupees. Arms of other calibre and ammunitions are also available freely. Surprisingly this easy availability of arms rarely results in major crimes like murder and robbery.

Makran has a unique history regarding the status of women. Every woman in Gwadar district has entire control over the property acquired from her husband as dower. And, as the Islamic law of inheritance is followed, she may expect in course of time to inherit a portion of her parents property and will be entitled to a share in her husbands property if he pre-decease her. Sometimes this ownership of property saves a woman from divorce as in that situation her husband would have to transfer the property which he promised her as haq mehr. As indicating the pre-eminent position occupied by women, it may be mentioned that it has been customary to attribute the qualities of a son or daughter to the mother and not to the father.

A few women have joined the formal sector through government jobs, specially in the field of education. Few women are working as motivators for the Primary Education Development Project as well as for the Water and Sanitation Cell of the LG&RDD. Since 1995, government has started employing middle pass girls as women health workers under the Prime Minister’s Programme for Family Planning and Basic Health. Through these opportunities women are striving towards economic independence. Still women are either deprived of many income generation activities or being exploited by undervaluing such activities. One such example is that of embroidery work, which is bought from the women at nominal price and is further sold in the markets of Quetta and Karachi at much higher prices.

The economic independence of women in Gwadar does not fully result into social independence. She has multiple roles but her socio-cultural milieu either do not allow her to perform these roles satisfactorily or she has no opportunities. Sometimes her role performance is restricted to the limits suiting the male domination. She makes many of the routine domestic decisions but decisions regarding major issues, like the children’s marriages, are made by males in the family. However, she definitely has an advisory position in decision making. Unmarried girls have no say in the decision about their marriage. Veil is not very strictly practised in Gwadar and unlike other districts of Makran women can be seen in the markets and at picnic spots. They do shopping on their own.

However, Gwadar is still a male dominated society where a male child is preferred. This preference results in discrimination of female children in education, health, nutrition, and love. Expenditure on female education is considered a waste. In this way women loose their chance to be financially secure and they remain male dependants. Due to male child preference, mothers without a male child are required to conceive repeatedly without an appropriate break which endangers their lives also. Exclusive health facilities, i.e. 3 mother and child health care centres, are established at Gwadar, Pasni, and Kallag; however due to unavailability of female staff, the MCHC at Kallag is non-functional.

Women have relatively limited chances of recreation. In Gwadar many women are found on picnic spots like Koh-e-Batil and Akra Kaur Dam along with their male family members. Indoor games are arranged for girls in their schools. The only political role women in Gwadar can play is casting their vote, usually according to the will of their male family members.

A relatively better economic status of families in the district, mainly due to good income from employment in Gulf states, has limited the number of children working as labourers. A very small number of children were found working in some of the automobile workshops. They were working as apprentices and were supposed to open their own workshops after completion of training. Some of the working children were in bakeries, bicycle repair shops, black smith shop, hotels, engineering workshops, hair cutting saloons, tailoring shops, tunnoors (loaf makers) and welding works. In most of the cases children were working as apprentices and were paid a little amount as stipend. Fisheries and boat-making were the only sectors where a significant number of children were working. It was told that these children work with either their fathers or some other family members. In this way they are learning their family craft.

Wherever water is not available in the house, children are supposed to fetch water from the community tanks or ponds where rain water is stored. Sometimes they collect fuel wood also for household use. In the livestock farming communities, they herd cattle and help in cattle raising. All these tasks, performed by children, are considered as a help to their families, not as child labour.

The kinship based society of Gwadar district differs, in various aspects, from other parts of Balochistan. Marriage here is a source of emancipation for women by giving her economic independence. Collective decision making on development issues is there but does not interfere in interpersonal conflicts and political decisions. Conflict resolution is made by mediation at the community level or by court of law. Religious conflicts between Muslims and Zikris have been a major source of violence in the past, but now it has cooled down. Arms are easily available but this did not lead to a high crime rate. Child labour is minimal in the district and most of the working children work as apprentices.

The social change is inevitable and Gwadar is no exception. However pace of this change is slow here. Old family ties are intact and cultural values still play an important role in the life of an ordinary family.

3. Government Organisation

Gwadar was notified as a district on July 1, 1977 when the Makran district was given the status of a division and was divided into three districts. Previously it was one of 3 tehsils of Makran district. For administrative purposes, the whole district is divided into two sub-divisions, i.e., Gwadar and Pasni. These sub-divisions are further divided into tehsils and sub-tehsils. Gwadar sub-division comprises two tehsils, named Gwadar and Jiwani, and one sub-tehsil named Suntsar. Pasni sub-division is divided into Pasni and Ormara tehsils. Land settlement was initiated in Gwadar town when land had to be allotted for the Singar Housing Project but to date this process has not reached any considerable stage. Due to lack of appropriate and trained staff land settlement work is suspended.

The first ever local government system introduced in Gwadar was Village Aid programme which was initiated in the whole of Makran district in June 1957. A total of 26 Village Councils were formed with a total strength of 312 councillors. This system was replaced by the Basic Democracies Order of 1959. Under the Basic Democracies system 19 Union Councils and 3 Town Committees were established in the whole of Makran district. In 1969, all these local government institutions were suspended and later on were totally abolished on 22nd January 1972. A new local government system was introduced in 1975 under the Balochistan Local Government Act 1975. This law could not be enforced in its true sense as the elections proposed under this act were never held. In 1979, another local government system was introduced in the country which was implemented in Balochistan under the Balochistan Local Government Ordinance 1980. This system is still enacted in the province. Under the provisions of this law, one District Council, 2 Municipal Committees, 2 Town Committees, and 13 Union Councils are functional in Gwadar district.

The local government at Gwadar district comprises 13 union councils, one district council, two municipal committees and two town committees. The mandate of local councils was to address various socio-economic development issues on local level through need assessment, planning and implementation (see annex 4 for functions of local government). These local councils are supervised and supported by the Local Government and Rural Development Department through an Assistant Director at the district level. However, it is a common complaint that instead of working as an auxiliary organisation, LG&RDD plays a constrictive role in affairs of the local government institutions by posing bureaucratic hurdles.

Ideally the local government institutions were constituted on the assumption that in this way grass root decision making and implementation for development could be ensured but this ideal has not been realised. Although small communities elect their representatives at local level and there is more intense interaction and exchange of ideas between representatives and the electoral college, participation of common folks in decision making process is minimal. After election, members of local councils rarely consult their voters on development issues. Similarly the appraisal of development potential and planning for exploitation of this potential is not according to the bottom-up approach. Rather a top-down decision making and implementation approach is followed. This approach leaves no room for participation of local government institutions in development planning. Even more, as women are hardly represented in the administrative structure, women’s concerns are neglected.

All local government institutions in Balochistan have been dissolved on 18th of December 1996 for new elections in 1997. Now these institutions are working under the supervision of government officials. Previously the Local Government and Rural Development Department received a total amount of rupees 7.5 million in 1994-95 under the People’s Program for construction of roads, boundary walls, rooms, and halls for schools, Eidgah, library, residential quarters, etc. About all of these constructed facilities are in use. In 1995-96, the department received a sum of rupees 5.35 million under the same program for construction of road, sports clubs, and school boundary walls. All these works have been completed. Moreover the department has distributed 40 latrines to general public under its Water and Sanitation Cell project. However only one deep well hand pump has been issued, mainly due to brackish ground water.

The union council is the smallest local government institution. The membership of each union council varies from 5-15 members. However, the elected councillors in every union council have to elect 2 women and one peasant member in their union council. There are 13 union councils in the district, a list of which is given in annex 1.

The union council, ideally, provides an opportunity for the people of rural areas to participate in decision making at micro level. It was assumed that a council of a small community will have better chances of intense interaction and grass root appraisal of the problems of the people. But in the real sense, chairmanship of union councils have become a status symbol and serves as a means for vested interests. This has made this vital institution an ineffective aggregation of uninterested councillors under the chairmanship of a person with political motives. Distribution of zakat, prominence in the area, and little favours by public officials are some of the vested interests which attracts most of the people to the chairmanship of a union council. The union council is not consulted in development planning for the rural areas. Usually decision making follows top-down approach, therefore, nullifying the ideal function of union councils. In addition, the union council has never received the financial support of higher authorities, it was supposed to receive, to be able to fulfil its functions, as described in the Local Government Ordinance of 1980

The only income of the union councils is a regular grant of rupees 18 thousand per annum by the provincial government. This small amount does not allow the union council to plan development strategies for the people in rural areas. However, two of the union councils, Pishukan and Sur Bandar, are in a surplus budget position due to receipt of a considerable amount as octroi through contractors. In 1995-96, the amount of octroi received by the union council Pishukan was rupees 0.321 million while it was rupees 0.285 million for the union council Sur Bandar. In the fiscal year 1996-97, the union councils Pishukan and Sur Bandar have contracted out the levy of octroi for an amount of rupees 0.35 and 0.308 million respectively. There are 8 regular employees in each of these 2 union councils to arrange the collection of octroi in case it is not arranged through a contractor.

There are two town committees in the district: Jiwani and Ormara. Both the town committees have equal number of electoral wards, i.e., 12. Each of the town committees comprises 15 councillors of which 12 are elected directly, one from each of the 12 wards, and these elected councillors elect 2 women and one labourer as councillors. The civic facilities provided to the citizens by these town committees include solid waste disposal and watch & ward. Both the town committees have a tractor and a trolley for collection and afterwards disposal, sometimes by burning, of the solid waste. However, watchmen are employed by the town committee, mainly in the commercial area. There has never been any sewerage system or town planning in these town committees.

Like other local government institutions, both the town committees are under severe financial crises. The only permanent source of income for the town committees is octroi and business fee. The collection of octroi is a difficult task, specially due to non-co-operation of district administration and many open routes for entrance into the towns. The last annual development plan (ADP) awarded to the town committee was in 1992-93. No development plans can be prepared by the town committees due to financial constraints.

A strict vigilance on import of octroiable goods and efficient octroi collection mechanism with full support of the district administration can improve the financial condition of the town committee through increase in revenue. At present there is no land tax levied by the town committee on sale or purchase of property in the town. This taxation can also be utilised to meet development expenditure.

The Gwadar district has two municipal committees: Gwadar and Pasni. The Gwadar municipal committee comprises 28 directly elected councillors, one from each of the 28 wards, and 2 women and one labourer councillors elected by the directly elected councillors. The Gwadar municipal committee has developed sewerage and drainage system for the town. However this system is not functional adequately due to lack of care and repair. The MC Gwadar has 3 tractor trolleys to collect solid waste from the town and to dispose it off on dumping sites where it is burned. It also has one pump and tanker to remove rain water. The municipal committee Gwadar arranges the killing of stray dogs and an annual spray to kill mosquitoes. To date the MC Gwadar has constructed a Madrassa, one boys and 3 girls primary schools, one badminton hall, community water tanks, fishermen sheds, public latrines, and 3.5 kilometres of black top road in the municipal area. Moreover the MC Gwadar provides financial support to the Rural Community Development Council, Gwadar.

The overall financial condition of the municipal committee Gwadar is relatively better. In the last five years (1991-96), the MC Gwadar earned rupees 22,372,201 out of which 82.4 percent was levied through octroi. The total expenditure of the MC Gwadar, for the last 5 years (1991-96) amounts to rupees 28,552,190 out of which 35.0 percent of the total amount has been spent on development activities (year-wise income and expenditure can be seen in chapter 9). For the fiscal year 1996-97, the MC Gwadar expects an income of rupees 5,008,262 and expenditure of rupees 4,474,588. The Municipal Committee Gwadar faced a major budget deficit in 1991-92 but it had enough opening balance to accommodate this deficit. The major development work in this year was development of the New Town Housing Scheme which later on was handed over to the district administration. Other than octroi, the MC Gwadar levies commercial licence fee, property tax, and building permission fee.

The Pasni Municipal Committee consists of 20 directly elected councillors, one from each of the 20 electoral wards, and 2 women and one labourer councillors elected by the directly elected councillors. The MC Pasni has 2 tractor trolleys for solid waste disposal. Sewerage system was introduced in Pasni by the municipal committee but it is not functional at present. Financially, the municipal committee Pasni is in surplus position. In 1994-95, the MC Pasni earned a total amount of rupees 2,907,200 while this amount decreased to rupees 2,168,200 in the fiscal year 1995-96. Total expenditure of the MC Pasni, for the years 1994-95, amounts to rupees 2.614 million while it was rupees 2,136,858 in 1995-96. For the fiscal year 1996-97, the MC Pasni expects a total income of rupees 2,063,308 and expenditure of rupees 1,938,400. This surplus budget position indicates that levy of revenue and expenditure is well-managed by the municipal committee Pasni.

The district council Gwadar comprises 17 councillors out of which thirteen are elected directly (one from each of the 13 union councils) while 4 councillors including 2 women, one peasant, and one labourer are elected indirectly by the elected councillors. The district council is primarily responsible for the overall development of rural areas of the district (detailed functions of the local government institutions are described in annex 4).

Apart from special grants and annual development plans, zila (district) tax is the sole source of regular income for the district council. The recurrent budget liabilities of the council include salaries of the employees, about 0.6 million rupees and honorarium of the chairman district council. Total income of the district council was 849,980 rupees in 1994-95 while the total expenditure was 750,240 rupees. In 1995-96, the total income of the council was rupees 913,200 against the expenditure of rupees 852,502. It is expected that the district council will be able to earn rupees 1,186,581 to meet its expected expenditure of rupees 976,692 in the fiscal year 1996-97. It seems that managed use of resources can help avoiding any financial crisis. The district council Gwadar has well managed its income and expenditure and is facing no financial setback. The increasing trend in income indicates valid efforts on the part of elected representatives and officials to develop their area. No annual development plan has been granted after year 1992-93.

At the district level, the provincial government is represented by the Deputy Commissioner. All the departments functional in the district are supposed to work in liaison with the DC. He is assisted by an Assistant Commissioner at the sub-division level, by a Tehsildar at the tehsil level, and by a Naib-Tehsildar at the sub-tehsil level. In this way Gwadar district has one Deputy Commissioner, two Assistant Commissioners, 4 Tehsildars, and one Naib-Tehsildar while another Naib-Tehsildar is there for levy of Ushar (tax on agricultural produce under the Islamic Law). The Deputy Commissioner is ex-officio member (in most cases head) of almost all the important committees and forums in the district. He is responsible for maintenance of law and order in the district, to collect ushar from farmers through the Naib-Tehsildar, and to participate in development planning in the district.

The Deputy Commissioner Gwadar is supervised by the Commissioner Makran division and then by the Secretary, Services and General Administration Department (S&GAD) at the provincial level. He is an intermediary link between micro and macro level administration. Despite the fact that he is supposed to play an important role in socio-economic development of the district, he is rarely consulted in policy making. Another dimension of the issue is rapid transfers of Deputy Commissioners. Though Gwadar has been in a relatively better position in this regard, there have been 14 Deputy Commissioners in its 20 years’ history as a district. The posting period of the Deputy Commissioner ranges from three months to four years. This trend not only creates adhocism but also limits the Deputy Commissioner’s chances of full acquaintance with the district affairs.

Gwadar district is divided into two areas as far as law enforcement is concerned. Area "A" is controlled by the Balochistan Police while "B" area is controlled by the Balochistan Levies Force headed by the Deputy Commissioner (DC) of the district. Gwadar district is supervised by a Superintendent of Police (SP) who is assisted by a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP). There are 4 police stations in the district: at Gwadar, Pasni, Ormara, and Jiwani. The total number of police force in the district amounts to 286. All the 4 police stations are responsible for maintenance of law and order in a radius of 8 kilometres. Initially the whole district was controlled by the police but in 1969 the district was bifurcated into two areas, "A" and "B". Police Lines is located at Gwadar with a force of 226 policemen to provide support to police stations in the districts but still they do not have proper building for accommodation.

Levies force controls the remaining parts of the district. The Deputy Commissioner controls the levies through Assistant Commissioners, Tehsildars, and Naib-Tehsildar. Moreover, the DC has the support of about 10 platoons of the BRP manned by 25 policemen in each platoon. Another armed force named Coast Guards is also deputed in Gwadar under a Navy Commandant for vigilance at sea border. The Pakistan Navy and Pakistan Maritime Security Agency are also deputed at various points in the district to safeguard the Pakistani sea border.

The overall law and order situation is relatively good in the district and crimes are decreasing since 1989. Usual crimes include robbery, theft, and physical violence. In the period of last two years there have been only one murder while the total number of registered cases at 4 police stations of Gwadar are less than those of the other two districts in Makran division. The vast coast line and areas near the Iranian border are heaven for smugglers. They know all the routes therefore can easily deceive the Coast Guards and Customs officials. Iranian Balochistan provide a place of shelter for the culprits. 

Justice is administered through regular as well as Qazi courts. In the district regular courts are headed by Additional District and Session Judge. Previously the District Magistrate and the Sub-division Magistrates had judicial powers but recently administration and judiciary have been separated. The judiciary is of the view that this action has speeded up the delivery of justice while the administration opined that justice process is slow in courts and people are suffering due to delays. However, this action has resulted in a system of checks and balances between administration and judiciary.

Qazi courts were established in 1976 under the provisions of Qanun-e-Diwan-i-Kalat and have powers of civil, family and rent courts. However, in tribal areas, they provide justice to private parties under the provisions of shariat laws. Appeal against decisions of Qazi courts can be made before a Majlis-e-Shoora which comprises two Qazis under the chairmanship of a District and Session Judge. Both types of courts work in complete harmony.

Another justice delivery mechanism was the jirga system which has now been abolished. Jirga was a very old institution which was provided a legal framework under Ordinance I and II of 1968. According to these ordinances jirga was empowered to decide civil as well as criminal cases. Amongst the influential of the area, 20 members were nominated for jirga membership by the Deputy Commissioner out of whom two members were selected by each of the conflicting parties. Jirga was headed by a nominee of the DC. The Deputy Commissioner and, afterwards the Commissioner was the appellate authority. Jirga system was abolished by an order of the Balochistan High Court. It surely was a time saving and economical mechanism of justice administration.

In Gwadar district revenue is collected through various agencies. The district council is responsible for collection of zila tax which is assumed to be utilised to meet its development and recurrent expenditure. Similarly, the municipal and town committees collect octroi, property and business fees to meet their financial liabilities. Some utility fees are collected by the provincial government like water charges, livestock cess, ushar, and motor vehicle registration fee. Income tax and customs duty is levied by the federal government.

In Gwadar, revenue generated through the local councils easily fulfils their requirement for development and recurrent expenditure. However, revenue collection is a hard job everywhere. Officials blame the public for non-payment of taxes, but the public demands appropriate facilities in return of the taxes paid. Tax culture is non-existent in Gwadar district. People take every facility for granted and expect that the government should provide them every facility without paying any cost. This trend is widespread in the whole district.