• Agriculture / Horticulture 34
• Livestock 41
• Fisheries 44
• Forestry 45
• Mining 46
• Industry & Manufacturing 46

• Water Supply 58
• Health 62
• Education 65
• Sports 71

The Panjgur district profile is an attempt to accumulate the available information and to address the socio-economic issues at the district level. Although validity of the data on some sectors is debatable, it may become the point of departure for a regular district level documentation in future.

I would like to thank Mr. Koen de Wilde, Mr. Teun van Dijk, and Dr. Saif Sherani for their continuos guidance and support during the whole task. The review comments made by Dr. Sherani made this profile more area specific and critical.

During the data collection many of the government functionaries extended their sincere co-operation. More knowledge-worthy were the discussions I had with local key informants and common folks. I owe my sincere thanks for all these friends, whose names are hard to be given here.

Panjgur, being an integral part of the Makran for centuries, has passed through the corridors of history under various regimes. Known history of the area goes back to the time of prophet Dawood, when people entombed themselves to avoid famine. The area is said to be possessed by Iranian King Kaus followed by Afrasiab of Turan and then by Kai Khusrau, again an Iranian. Then there is a long list of rulers, including Lehrasp, Gushtasp, Bahman, Huma and Darab, till the year 325 BC. An army contingent of Alexander the Great passed through the Makran, then known as Gadrosia, on its way from India to Macedonia. Greek historian Arrian has commented on land, environment and people of the area. He found the climate very hot, the soil sandy and the land inept for human settlement. Afterwards, the area was ruled by Seleukos Nikator, one of Alexander’s generals, who lost it to Chandragupta in 303 BC. Then the tract of history is lost in darkness for centuries and in fifth century after the death of Christ we find the area being given to Bahram-i-Gor (404 to 427 AD) as a part of dower of Shermah’s daughter. An ascertained of the area is found in 643 AD when Islamic army under the command of Abdullah conquered Makran and wrote to the Caliph Umar about the aridity of the land. Arabs ruled the land one after the other. All the Arab geographers of the era, like Ibn Haukal, Ibn Khurdadba, Al Istakhri and Al Idrisi, have described the country as "for the most part desert". According to a local legend, Muhammad bin Qasim also passed through the area on his way to Sind. Although many invaders, like the Deilamis, the Seljuks, the Ghaznivids, the Ghorids, the Mangols and the Portuguese, conquered the land, mostly the local rulers, including Hots, Rinds, Maliks, Buledais and Gichkis, exercised authority in the area as the conquerors had no intentions to stay there.

Two regimes of local rulers, of Buledais and Gichkis, are worth mentioning here. The Buledais gained power with rise of the Zikri sect. These rulers are said to be connected with the rulers of Maskat and were called Buledais in reference with the valley of Buleda where they resided. The Buledais ruled the area for more than a century up to the year 1740. In the last years of their regime they embraced Islam. The Zikri folk joined hands with the Gichkis, who also were Zikris by faith. After complete take-over of the area, the older branch of Gichkis took hold of Panjgur. The family feuds and internal dissension between Gichkis resulted in nine (either partially or fully successful) expeditions by Mir Nasir Khan I. Panjgur was the target of his first expedition. It is said that the main motive behind all these expeditions, made by Mir Nasir Khan I, was to eliminate the Zikris as he belonged to (anti-Zikri) Muslim faith. These expeditions resulted in the division of revenues between the Khan and Gichkis. Mir Mehrab Khan, grand successor of Mir Nasir Khan I, appointed Faqir Muhammad Bizanjo as his naib (assistant) in the area to keep a stronghold. This naib represented the Khan in this area for more than 40 years. Afterwards local influential were appointed as naibs of the Khan due to ineffectiveness of non-local naibs. Foreign support and fragmented local population of Balochs gave the Gichkis super-ordination and they became Hakims (rulers) of the area.

The first Afghan war (1838-39) directed attention of the British to the area. Major Goldsmith visited the area in 1861 and an Assistant Political Agent was appointed in Gwadar in 1863. In 1882, Mir Gajian, Sardar of Panjgur and Khan’s naib, was killed by Mir Nauroz Khan Nausherwani, Chief of Kharan. These kind of internal feuds continued for years. In 1903, an Assistant Political Agent was appointed to the area with his headquarters at Panjgur. He was also an ex-officio Commandant of the Makran Levy Corps, appointed to enforce Khan of Kalat’s authority and to maintain peace at the borders. Panjgur remained under control of the Khan of Kalat during the colonial era, however the British rulers had influence in the affairs of the area.

After division of the Indian subcontinent into two sovereign states, Makran joined the Balochistan States Union in early 1949 along with Kalat, Lasbela and Kharan. In October 1955, Makran was given the status of a district of former West Pakistan province after its accession to Pakistan. On 1st July 1970, when "One Unit" was dissolved and Balochistan gained the status of a province, Makran became one of its 8 districts. On 1st July 1977, Makran was declared a division and was divided into three districts, named Panjgur, Turbat (renamed Kech) and Gwadar. Panjgur was notified as a district on July 1, 1977. In the post-colonial history, Panjgur faced two natural disasters. In 1958-59, heavy rain for a whole week resulted in heavy flood, which destroyed the date trees and other crops. In 1960, cholera spread in the villages of Bonistan and Isai costing hundreds of lives. These two villages still have occasional incidence of cholera due to the lack of clean drinking water.

There are two predominant etiologic explanations about the word Panjgur. One says that the word is a combination of two Balochi words panch, means five, and gor, means grave. It is said that five aoliya (saints) were laid to rest in this land. Therefore the area was called as panchgor which later on became Panjgur. Some people claim that the original word was Panchnur (five lights) in reference with the five saints. The second perspective is a geographical one. Some people say that Panjgur is land of panch (five) kor (stream). The word panchkor changed, with the passage of time, to Panjgur. It is worth mentioning here that there is no human settlement named Panjgur. The district headquarters are stationed at Chitkan, which is to some extent a central place and in close vicinity of eleven other villages within a radius of 3-4 kilometres alongside the bank of Rakhshan river.

Among objects of archaeological interest may be mentioned Kuhna Kalat, in the construction of which large baked red bricks have been used, and which is said to have been destroyed by the Persians; the tomb of Malik Asa and others which are constructed of glazed bricks with rough figures of men and animals upon them; an ancient dam, named Band-e-Gillar; and remnants of the fort of Nawab Habibullah Khan of Kharan in the village of Khudabadan. There are many old shrines including those of Shah Qalandar and Pir Umar in the district. The shrine of Shah Qalandar is made of baked tiles. Some decorative tiles have figures of human and animals engraved on them.

The district is mountainous and the direction of the mountain ranges are from north-east to south-west. It lies between two important mountain ranges, i.e., the Siahan range, which separates it from Kharan district in the north, and the central Makran range, which separates it from Kech district in the south. The elevation of the district ranges between about 900 to 1350 meters above the sea level. Most of the western part of the district is relatively at a lower elevation as compared to the eastern parts. A characteristic feature of Panjgur district is its areas of closed drainage, locally known as kaps, in Parome and Balgattar. The biggest of these kaps, near Parome, is about 20 kilometres in diameter. Ordinarily these are dry but after heavy rain the water rushing from the surrounding hills forms a shallow lake. After evaporation of the water the lake-bed is covered with a thin layer of salt which appears like an expanse of dazzling whiteness. Salt is obtained from kaps which contains a high percentage of Sodium Chloride.

The main river used for irrigation in the whole district is Rakhshan with its tributaries the Gowargo, the Jawan Gazz, the Newan kor and Asken. Tank is the only other running stream with its affluents the Gichk and the Raghai.

The climate of Panjgur, elevated at 900-1350 meters above sea level, is dry arid cold. It is placed in "warm summer and cool winter" temperature region. The potential evapotranspiration, which exceeds precipitation by more than two times, results in aridity or desertification. Summer is relatively shorter than winter. It stays from May to September (5 months) while winter starts in October and prolongs till April (7 months). June is the hottest month and January the coldest. Mean monthly temperature in summer remains below 32° C while in the hottest month sometimes it does exceed 32° C but remains below 38° C. In the coldest month, January, the mean monthly temperature drops below 10° C. In winter cold wind, locally called goorich, blows which takes the temperature sometimes below freezing point.

Aridity is severe in the district because average annual rainfall is below 250 mm; in some years annual rainfall has even been below 100 mm. Winter precipitation exceeds summer rainfall but overall precipitation level remains low. According to the Pakistan Meteorological Department, total annual precipitation in 1995 was 112.4 mm.

The data provided by the Pakistan Meteorological Department for the years 1994 and 1995 shows total annual rainfall between 100 and 115 mm at Panjgur station. In 1993 this level was 27.8 mm only. This data confirms the "dry arid" climatic category of the area. Winter rainfall provides irrigation water for rabi crops, i.e., wheat, dates, bakla, masoor, and vegetables. Sometimes traffic across the streams is discontinued due to flood waters resulting from rainfall. There has been very low precipitation since December 1995 therefore agriculture has been affected badly. This has resulted in less net sown area in 1995-96 as compared to the previous years.

At Panjgur station of the Pakistan Meteorological Department, mid summer mean maximum temperature (in July) varied slightly in the last three years (from 37.0° C to 39.5° C) while mid summer mean minimum temperature ranged from 25.1° C to 26.1° C. The mid winter mean maximum temperature (in January) in these three years has been between 17.5° C and 18.7° C and mean minimum temperature in mid winter remained between 4.7° C and 5.9° C.

The data on temperature seem consistent through the years as the annual mean maximum temperature for the last three years ranged from 29.5° C to 30.5° C. Similarly annual mean minimum temperature for the last three years was 15.6° C. This data validates the climatic categorisation of the district as "warm summer and cool winter" because mean monthly temperature in summer was around 32° C and mean monthly temperature in winter remained between 11° C and 12° C. These temperatures are within the temperature ranges for a "warm summer and cool winter" region.

The soils in Panjgur district are of two types. Western part of the district consists of alluvial soil while the eastern part has desert soil (a part of Kharan desert). The Kharan desert occupies a large area of western Balochistan and is covered with sands. With the virtual absence of vegetation, soil formation is minimal. In the west, wide basins bounded by hills and mountains are covered with alluvial soils. The foothills are covered with talus cones and alluvial fans generally composed of gravel, pebbles, and sands. Beyond the foothills, the valley floors are covered with silt and loam. These are fertile soils of great agricultural value in the rocky waste.

Soil in the dry crop (khushkaba) areas has more agricultural value than that of the irrigated lands. In irrigated areas continuous cultivation has gradually decreased all the nutrients in the soil. Shadows of closely planted date trees have diminished the nature’s process of nitrogen enrichment of soil by obstructing sunlight. Khushkaba lands are flood irrigated. Torrential waters from hill slopes bring along nutrient enriched soil, which is highly valuable for agriculture.

In Panjgur, soil is divided into four local categories; milk and mat for khushkaba, and zawar and kork for irrigated lands. Milk, found in Balgattar, Parome, Dasht-e-Shahbaz, Gichk and Rakhshan valley, is white soft clay brought down from the hills and deposited by the streams and hill torrents. It is considered fit for all kinds of grain crops, specially wheat and barley. It has a great capacity of moisture retention thus it does not crack or harden. Mat consists of a thick layer of silt containing a mixture of earth and sand. It is found around Isai and in the bed of Rakhshan river. Zawar, soil of irrigated lands, is composed of milk mixed with sand. It is good for rice and zurrat (sorghum) cultivation. Kork is another type of soil found in irrigated lands. In order to cultivate in this soil, milk has to be mixed in it continuously. Most of such land is irrigated by kaurjos, which periodically deposited sufficient silt to give the field a new lease of life. Many of the gardens in Panjgur are laid out in such land in which wheat and zurrat is cultivated under the date trees.

Soil erosion through wind is more potent in desert and semi-desert areas of the district because of minimal vegetation. It is a major threat to agriculture in the area. Afforestation can help minimising this problem.

Although there is no record of any detailed survey for exploration of minerals in the district, the Inspectorate of Mines has reported mining of Antimony in the area of Korkian and Padkash. At present two mines have been reported with an average production of 3512.4 tonnes per annum. A private lease holder is involved in this mining. Moreover, the area of Sabzab is also said to be having Antimony reserves. The Inspectorate of Mines has pointed out the potential occurrence of Sulphur and Salt in the district.

The vegetation in Panjgur consists mainly of grasses and spiny scrubs. Grass and fodder plants are fairly numerous in the district. The most important of these are the barshonk, sorag, drug, and kandar. The landscape is featured with kahur (prosopis spicigera) and gazz (tamarix galica) or tamarisk trees. Fodder grass is plentiful and found in places where water is scarce. Some plants of pharmaceutical importance including aishak, guldir, morpuzo, danichk (Ispaghol), keraich and udesh are also found in the district. Some other wild plants are guan, chigird and gishtar. Frequently found plant is pish (nannorhops ritchieana) which is used for construction of huts in some areas of the district.

Fuel wood and kerosene oil is mainly used for cooking and heating while diesel is used to run tubewells. Kerosene oil is used for illumination, also as electricity supply is scarce. All most all the kerosene oil, diesel and petrol comes from Iran through cross-border trade. As this trade is in violation of the country laws, record of total import of this kind is not available. This imported fuel is sent to the neighbouring districts as well. The price difference in Iranian and Pakistani petroleum products is significant and vigilance on cross-border trade is not at par, therefore this illegal trade flourishes well. One litre of petrol is available for 11 rupees, of diesel for 6 rupees and that of kerosene oil for 12 rupees. The only Pakistani petroleum product being sold in the district to some extent is diesel because it is without any contamination hence good for motor vehicles. The consumption of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) is increasing, mainly for cooking. Electricity, where available, is mainly used for light. Only two tubewells have yet been provided electricity supply connections.

As there is no forest in the district therefore fuel wood comes from Kech, Kharan, and Awaran districts. The price of fuel wood is increasing; at present 40 kilograms of fuel wood cost rupees one hundred. Regular electricity supply is needed in the area as it may help in running more tubewells for irrigation. It may also increase viewership of television which is a major source of social change. The regular provision of power supply will surely encourage shopkeepers at Chitkan to keep their shops open in the late hours.

The land of the district with agricultural potential is threatened by wind erosion. The wind blowing at high speed strips off the upper layer (about 5 cm thick) of soil which has most of the nutrients necessary for cultivation. Wind erosion can be seen as one of the reasons behind the little soil formation and consequently limited agricultural activities in Panjgur.

Although overall population density is very low in the district, the human settlements are very densely populated. This thickly located population becomes a problem in the absence of civic facilities. The sewerage system is absent and solid waste disposal is not effective. People throw their household garbage just outside their houses, in the streets, and drainage in most cases is without any channel. In Chitkan, the town committee has arranged one tractor trolley for the collection of household garbage but they throw the garbage in Rakhshan river and sometimes burn it there. This situation poses serious environmental threats to the health of inhabitants. This threat is more serious in other villages as there is no solid waste collection arrangement on communal level.

Noise pollution is not a problem in Panjgur district due to little traffic. As there is no industry, chemical pollution of the soil or the air is also not there. It may be concluded that presently the district is facing environmental threats of soil erosion (green pollution) and solid waste management (grey pollution).

According to the land use statistics most of the reported area in Panjgur district is not available for agriculture and about three fifth of the area is not yet reported. There is shortage of water for irrigation. Therefore agricultural resources are hard to be exploited. Moreover, due to employment in the Gulf states and consequently high level of income, people are reluctant to work as agricultural workers. Average annual rainfall is less than 250 mm. Therefore aridity is prevalent in the area. Climate is normally temperate in the district but goorich in winter season makes movement outside difficult.

Wind erosion, being a major environmental threat, requires afforestation as a protective measure. Grey pollution, which is causing severe health hazards, needs attention of public health planners.

Fuel wood and petroleum products are used as energy sources as the electricity supply is not regular. Cross-border import has made the availability of petroleum products easy and affordable. The district has not been explored for minerals but a small amount of antimony is being mined out and occurrence of sulphur and salt has been indicated.

After an overview of the district resources it might be concluded that the district has potential for agriculture if irrigation water, agricultural machinery and labour is available. There is need for development of irrigation as well as water supply schemes and for the availability of agricultural inputs, like fertilisers, seeds and pesticides.

The projections of the National Institute of Population Studies (NIPS) for the district’s population in March 1995 show a growth rate of 3.0 percent as compared to the average annual growth rate of 13.1 percent for the inter-censal period 1972-81 which is about four times higher than the new one. This great fluctuation in growth rates also represents unreliability of census data.

The population growth rates for the district have been inconsistent right from the initial censuses. During the inter-censal period 1951-61 a negative growth pattern (-0.9%) has been observed while in the next 11 years (1961-72) this rate increases to 6.5 percent annually. Even after raising the population in 1961 by 7.5 percent, as indicated by the Planning Commission, the growth rate remains in minus (-0.2%). The population growth rate during 1972-81 has been 13.1 percent. This indicates an exaggerated over-enumeration of population, either erroneously or intentionally under some vested interests.

The NIPS projection for the district’s population for 1995 is not compatible with the total number of voters (70,160) in 1997. The recent rate of growth (3.0%), which has been calculated on the basis of projections of population for 1995, made by NIPS, is consistent with that of the rest of Pakistan (3.1%). In 1981, total fertility rate in the district was 11.4 (highest among all the districts of Pakistan). It explains, to some extent, high growth rates for the district but the highly fluctuating growth trend cannot completely be explained.

According to the 1981 census, the female population in the age group of 0-4 outnumber the male population but after the age of 5 this equation becomes inverse and male population dominates the female one up to the age of 30. One probable reason may be that young girls are often not reported at the time of census as people consider it against the code of honour to tell the names of or details about their young female family members to strangers or enumerators. In this way women become less visible in the population. However, final conclusions can only be drawn after availability of birth and death rates at the district level.

In 1981, about one third (30.3%) of the total population was eligible to vote (21 years of age and above) while adult population (18 years of age and above) was 35.7 percent. Women of child bearing age (15-49 years) were 15.1 percent, while married population constituted 62.6 percent of the population of 15 years and above: 31.7 percent were never married and divorcees and widowers constituted 0.4 and 5.4 percent respectively. Mean age at marriage for females in Panjgur district was 21.7 years which was the highest in Pakistan.

The average household size in the district, according to 1980 housing census, is 8.0 which shows an increasing trend with reference to previous censuses. One reason for this trend may be the high total fertility rate (11.4 in 1981) which surely can result in larger household sizes. The employment of male family members in Gulf states has also necessitated the joint family system which in turn results in a large household.

According to the 1981 census, majority (60.5%) of the population in the district is dependent, either below the age of 15 or above 65 years of age. The youth dependency ratio is 147.5 percent while the old age dependency ratio is 5.7 percent. An overall dependency ratio of 153.2 percent is a significant burden on the earning population. This situation increases the economic pressure for the families, which may result in child labour and malnutrition of both the women and children, usually the neglected strata of the society.

The definition of urban area has been changing in different censuses. In 1972, urban areas include municipal corporations, municipal committees, cantonment boards, and town committees. Other places having a concentration of population of at least 5,000 persons in continuous collection of houses, and where the community sense was well developed and the community maintained public utilities, such as roads, street lighting, water supply, sanitary arrangements, etc., were also treated as urban areas. These places were generally centres of trade and commerce with a population mostly non-agricultural and having a comparatively higher literacy rate. As a special case, a few areas having the above urban characteristics but population less than 5,000 persons were also treated as urban. The 1981 census defined the urban locality on the basis of type of local government institutions. All the localities which were either metropolitan corporation, municipal corporation, municipal committee, town committee or cantonment at the time of census, were treated as urban. The definition of urban areas in 1961 census is not given in the census reports. This variation and unavailability of the definition of urban area has made the comparative analysis difficult.

According to 1981 census, only 5.9 percent of the population is urban, mainly located in Chitkan town committee area. The highest of the urban population ratio can be observed at the time of 1961 census (20.8%), a sudden rise from 2.6 percent in 1951. In 1972 the percentage of urban population had decreased to 17.4 percent, which further decreased to approximately one third in 1981. This unprecedented change in proportion of urban population can only be explained in terms of change of definition.

After the British took over the administration of the area, Isai was designated as tehsil office and levies garrison was built in Chitkan. In 1960, all administrative offices were shifted to Chitkan which, in 1977 after proclamation of Panjgur as district, was selected as district headquarters. More government buildings were constructed here in 1980’s. Chitkan is the only urban area of the district. The old bazaar of Panjgur is also located at Chitkan. Other remarkable localities of the district include Drakope, Sakai Kalat, Kahn Zangi, Hassani Kalat, Sarikoran, Sahib Kahn, Dasht-e-Shahbaz, Diz Paroome, Garr, Keel Kore and Sarparoom.

The town of Panjgur, if it is one, consists of at least 12 villages on both sides of the river Rakhshan. All these villages are located in immediate vicinity of each other. Of these villages, largest are Isai, Bonistan, Tasp, Chitkan, Gramkan, Khudabadan (Sarwan), Washbood and Sordo. Chitkan is to some extent a central place. The villages of Kalag, Duznap, and Erap are at a distance of 10 kilometres from Chitkan. According to the 1981 census, there were 45 (excluding 3 un-inhabited) mauzas/villages. The individual population of 12 mauzas was above 5,000 and of 11 mauzas between 2,000 and 4,999.

Most of the human settlements are beside the Rakhshan river as agriculture is the main economic activity and the major source of irrigation is either kaurjos (small water channels from pits dug in perennial flow to the fields) or karezes. The rest of the district is sparsely populated. See e.g. the map of the distribution of schools in chapter 7.3, which reflects the population distribution as well.

The Balochs constitute an overwhelming proportion (about 98%) of the population in the district while the remaining include Brahvis, Pushtuns, Sindhis, Punjabis and others.. Balochi is the language spoken in almost all the homes in the district. However this Balochi is different from the dialect spoken in Dera Bugti and Kohlu. Balochi spoken in Panjgur and Kech has more Persian words than the Balochi spoken in other areas of Balochistan. It has great variation as far as accent is concerned. Accent varies from village to village, even located in close vicinity of each other. Urdu is the second major language for communication in the area, specially because of people’s links with Karachi.

Intra-district migration is minimal in Panjgur. Majority of the population is permanently resident in its villages. Seasonal migration is observed in the area to some extent when livestock farming communities of the district migrate to the date producing areas in the date harvesting season from July to October. The considerable immigration is of the people who are coming home from Gulf after completing their service tenure and those of skilled workers from other parts of the country. International out-migration is of potential workers to Gulf states.

According to the 1981 census, a total of 1,308 persons immigrated from Panjgur to other countries however data on emigration are not available. Total number of migrants from other districts of Balochistan was 502, persons coming from other provinces were 88, while previous residence of 193 individuals was not mentioned.

In 1981, the civilian labour force constituted 39.7 percent of the population in Panjgur district. About two third (66.5%) of the male population and a small percentage (2.8%) of the females participated in the labour force. The urban and rural labour force participation rates were 35.7 and 40.0 percent respectively. The major occupation group "Agricultural animal husbandry and forestry workers and hunters" was adopted by the majority (71.3%) of the labour force. Usually people themselves work in their fields but sometimes tenants, locally named as shareeks, are also employed. After agriculture, livestock farming is the second important sector of labour force involvement, followed by government and social services. Majority of the labour force in the district is local and migrant labour is small in number. The non-resident workers are involved in tasks needing skills, specially the construction work. At present a mason charges 200-250 rupees a day while a labourer takes 70 rupees per day. Cleaning of karezes is done by the farmers themselves but excavation and major cleaning of karezes and kaurjos needs employment of Afghan labour. The excavation of karez by a labourer costs 500-600 rupees per metre.

The visible labour force in the district consists of males only. However women are involved in various productive sectors, including agriculture, livestock farming, date processing (drying) and handicrafts. Women are allied workers in agriculture and livestock farming.

The main reason behind invisibility of female labour force is the socio-cultural milieu of the district. Women of upper income groups are not allowed to work outside their homes. The veil is considered necessary for these women. Naqib women has been used to work outside their homes but these days they also follow the Baloch traditions as the segregative group boundaries between Balochs and Naqibs are now merging. Urbanisation is very slow in the area and so is the consequent socio-cultural change. Allowing and sometimes necessitating the women’s active participation in the labour force, is also slow. Male out-migration usually results in communities with women working outside, but in Panjgur average family size exceeds 8 family members which lessens the need for work by women outside their homes.

The expansion of education has resulted in participation of women in the formal sector, specially in education. Nowadays, women are occupying jobs as lady doctors, teachers and educational administrators where they deal mostly with females.

According to the 1980 housing census, the district was reported having 18,845 houses. On the average a house was occupied by 8.0 persons and crowding per room was 7.1. Most (84.6%) of the houses comprised only one room while the remaining (15.4%) had more than one room. A boundary wall was around almost all the houses.

In 1980, about 99 percent of the houses were occupied by the owners. Only some houses were rented out. Some houses were given to others rent-free. Renting is found in urban area only, as in rural areas there is no tradition of renting out ones house. The practice of renting out the houses has increased, mainly, due to the establishment of various government offices in the district which do not have their own buildings. Similarly most of the immigrant labour also resides at rented places.

There has been a tremendous change in construction material being used for buildings. Previously mud and un-baked bricks were used for construction of houses, particularly for the courtyard walls. Roofs were made of trunks and leaves of date trees. In some areas, pish mats are used with date tree branches for construction of abodes. About three fourth of the houses had roofs, using girders/beams and kiln bricks. RCC or RBC construction was very rare. According to 1980 housing census, 85 percent of the houses were constructed after creation of Pakistan. Twenty percent of the houses were constructed in the period of 1975-80.

Nowadays, many buildings are being constructed with concrete blocks made of cement, gravel crush, and sand. Roofs in such buildings are constructed using RCC or iron girders and concrete blocks, kiln bricks or tiles. The walls are constructed with concrete blocks. However, mud and un-baked bricks are still the main construction material for houses. Interestingly the chimneys of houses made of mud are plastered with cement to make them durable during the rains.

Kerosene oil lamps are used in most of the houses as source of light. In Chitkan electricity is supplied daily for eleven hours only (11:00-16:00 & 18:00-24:00 hours). Electric appliances are used for light, but rarely for cooking. Other villages have very limited electricity supply, every third day for the same hours as for Chitkan. Few people have generators to produce electricity by their own. In Panjgur district, a total of 2,192 electricity supply connections were provided till February 1997, out of which 1,760 were domestic connections. Keeping in view the number of houses (18,845 in 1980) in the district electricity supply coverage seems quite insufficient.

Cooking is mainly done by using fuel wood. Kerosene oil stoves are also used for cooking to some extent as petroleum products are relatively cheap in Panjgur due to cross-border trade. Liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) is also available in cylinders which is mainly used for cooking. At present about 3,000 cylinders, each containing 11 kg of LPG, were being supplied per month in the whole district. Fuel wood is collected by both the males and females.

According to the 1980 housing census, 84.6 percent of the houses had only one room for multipurpose use. Separate kitchen was available in 38 percent of the houses, separate bathrooms in 42 percent of the houses, and separate latrines in 95 percent of the houses. Latrines with flush were very few. Houses without kitchen constituted 16 percent and without bathroom 11 percent while 3 percent of the houses were without any latrine facility.

In 1981, only 0.7 percent of the households had access to piped drinking water. The majority (71%) of the houses were using drinking water obtained from open surface wells while 28 percent of the households were obtaining drinking water from springs and karezes. Houses having latrines with flush system were very few.

The Public Health Engineering Department (PHED) has completed 33 water supply schemes till December 1996, out of which 22 are functional, providing drinking water to one third (33.8) of the population. In some water supply schemes, drinking water is supplied to the houses through pipelines, while in others community tanks have been constructed at relatively central places from where people fetch water. In case the source of drinking water is not located inside the house, usually it is the duty of the women or children to fetch water for household needs.

The Water and Sanitation Section of the Local Government and Rural Development Department (LG&RDD) has recently completed a project in collaboration with UNICEF which covered installation of 190 deep well hand pumps (on open surface wells) for drinking water and construction of 200 latrines at public places throughout the district. However some of these latrines were constructed in government offices, which may not be considered as public places. Most of the houses in Panjgur have dry latrines while some houses have latrines with flush system. There is no sewerage system therefore drainage water often stays in the streets. Town committee Chitkan has one tractor trolley for collection and disposal of household garbage but this arrangement is limited to Chitkan only and is also inadequate.

The population, increasing at a growth rate of 3.0 percent and with a population density of 14.4 per square kilometre, is overwhelmingly Baloch. Average household size in Panjgur is 8 and more than half of its population is dependent. The total fertility rate (11.4) and mean age at marriage for females (21.7) are the highest in the country. Highly inconsistent population growth trends indicate unreliability of census data. There is an immense need for a more carefully executed fresh census. The under-enumeration of girls in the age group from 5 to 25 years and cultural deprivation, which result in their lesser share in all areas of life, should be kept in mind while making policies and devising strategies.

The majority of the population resides in rural areas and many are deprived of basic civic facilities. Provision of safe drinking water, solid waste disposal, link roads and electric supply are some of the basic prerequisites for their development. Usually the women and children fetch drinking water from community sources and collect fuel wood in many households.

The major economic activity is agriculture followed by livestock farming and government service. Only very few women are involved in formal sector employment. However they are allied workers in agriculture and livestock farming, while at home they are producing handicrafts.

As a result of social changes Hakims lost their influence as tribal chiefs and the social class system gave way to economic compromises. Presently all the inhabitants of the area are known by a common name, Baloch and calling someone Naqib is considered as derogatory. But the fact is that social class boundaries lost their existence between Hakims and Balochs but not between these two dominant strata and Naqibs. Hakims still believe in endogamy, however now they accept inter-marriages with Balochs. Some Balochs get married with Naqib girls, mainly due to a smaller amount of labb (bride price) or haq mehr (dower) , but this is not a common practice.

As the society in Panjgur is transforming into a semi-urban society, socio-cultural change is on its way. Educational expansion has broken down old chains and economic status has become a major determinant of social status. This has affected the whole socio-cultural scenario. The Naqibs have been in a majority in the Panjgur district. Now they have become a political force under various political parties playing their effective role in electing representatives to the constituent assemblies and local bodies institutions.

The district has a predominant tradition of joint families. Male siblings reside under one household even after their marriage. However, some nuclear families are also there. New life styles have motivated people for a nuclear family system, but sometimes economic compromises and sometimes cultural values restrain them from adopting this type of family system. If brothers are employed abroad, it becomes a moral and cultural obligation of the brothers staying at home to live in a joint family and look after the families of brothers abroad. If parents are in old age, then also it is considered to be the duty of the children to look after them.

The family ties are still good and not so materialistic. Family plays its social control role very effectively by means of socialisation. In Panjgur the family pattern is patriarchal and patrilocal in most cases.

In Panjgur, marriage rituals significantly differ from those in other areas of Balochistan. Unlike other parts of Balochistan, labb (bride price) or haq mehr (dower) received in marriage contract is owned by the bride herself. She has complete right to spend or dispense it off. Haq mehr is more prevalent in Panjgur and the parents of the bride do not get any money from the groom’s parents. Endogamy is the prevalent style of marriage specially among Gichkis. Most of the people are monogamous as a second marriage is expensive. The custom of bride exchange is not practised in Panjgur.

The marriage starts with the search of a bride by the grooms father. Mothers have very little role in the decision making about marriage of their son or daughter. Neither the groom nor the bride is allowed to choose his or her life partner. The decision of the parents is considered final however sometimes the bridegroom is consulted. When parents of the groom select a bride for their son, they make a formal proposal to the bride’s parents, who have full authority to accept or reject the proposal. If both parties agree for marriage, details of marriage including amount of haq mehr and dates of the wedding are finalised. Some people arrange mangni (engagement ceremony) also. Customary haq mehr contains 40 sona (about 110 grams of gold), 80 date trees, some land along with irrigation water rights and 20-30 pieces of clothes are given by the groom to the bride. At the time of nikah the parents of the groom give about 10 thousand rupees, 2 bags of flour, 1 bag of sugar, 1 bag of rice, 1 tin of ghee (cooking oil), enough quantity of condiments and spices and 5-6 goats or sheep to the bride’s parents for arranging a feast. After marriage, the groom stays for three nights at the bride’s home. Afterwards he takes her to his home.

The bride has full autonomy in using, spending, or selling the items received as haq mehr. Only a part of the haq mehr is paid in actual at the time of marriage and the remaining is given in written form. If the husband divorces his wife, he will have to pay the haq mehr. If the wife demands divorce, she will have to withdraw from all her rights to haq mehr. The wife’s rights on haq mehr not only give her economic independence to some extent, but also raises her social status. This is the reason that amount of haq mehr is considered a matter of social prestige for both the parties. After the death of the wife, the amount of haq mehr is divided among her children according to Muslim inheritance laws.

In Panjgur, society is structured on the base of kinship. Tribal identity has lost its importance and Baloch is a common identity. All decisions are made at household level and no tribal structure is present to make collective decisions. Communal leadership is a function of aged people in the community. Sometimes educated individuals are accepted as community leaders, specially in collective welfare and development. Wealth does play some role in political popularity, but people have elected educated individuals from middle income group as their representatives in the previous provincial and national assembly elections. Education and social relationships are also the basis of local leadership.

Unlike many other parts of Balochistan, society here is liberal and there is no place at all for authoritarian ethos or leadership. The vestiges of the sardari system have been eliminated to a great extent. The tribal leaders, sardars, nawabs and kahodas are still there but their role has been minimised in politics or decision making. In case of conflict, parties go to court of law instead of any tribal jirga. Political consciousness is widely spread and all political decisions are made individually or at family level. However people do co-operate in collective welfare activities. For example, people have organised an aman (peace) committee to keep peace in the area.

Co-operation is a prerequisite for survival of a society. Co-operation is necessary for welfare as well as for development activities. People in Panjgur have very old traditions of co-operation. One of the forms of co-operation is called bijar or sarrech. This is a system of making a contribution by members of the tribe or community to arrange labb or haq mehr for marriage. Usually people contribute according to their own economic status and a reciprocal contribution is made later on by the receiving party at the marriage of the giving party. However reciprocity of amount is not obligatory.

Another form of co-operation is the excavation of karezes and utilisation of karez’s water for irrigation or domestic purposes. Excavation of karez is a very hard task and expensive in case of employing labour for this purpose. Therefore all potential users of water combine their efforts or money to get a karez excavated. The water obtained by that karez is distributed on equity basis. A person amongst the share holders, locally called sarishta, is held responsible to take care of the karez and arbitrate in case of any dispute on the distribution of water.

A newly introduced form of co-operation is management of water supply schemes by the community. These schemes are completed by the Public Health Engineering Department and afterwards are handed over to the Water Management Associations, committees formed amongst the community. These associations fix tariff for water consumers, operate and manage the schemes, and arrange for minor repairs up to 10 thousand rupees, if needed.

At least 10 community based organisations are presently active in the district for social welfare, providing training in embroidery and tailoring to girls, and facilitating expansion of educational facilities.

According to the 1981 census, the Muslims constitute an overwhelming majority of population in Panjgur while the remaining population include Christians, Ahmadis, Hindus, Parsis, and Sikhs. Zikri, a significant religious faith in Makran, is not mentioned in the 1981 census. The reason is that Zikris claim to be Muslims while the Sunni Muslims denounce that claim of theirs. The beliefs and rituals practised by Zikris are completely different from those of Islam. The Zikris believe in a new prophet and deny the performance of the most important rituals of Islam. The Zikris taking their name from the Arabic word zikr (remembering the Almighty) believe that only repeating the litany is the valid form of worship. The Zikris repudiate the performance of nimaz (Muslim prayer five times a day) and call other Muslims Nimazi. The most important of the rituals is performed on the 27th day of Ramazan, when the barefoot Zikris circumbulate the Koh-i-murad and perform other rituals. This is called hajj (Muslim pilgrimage to Makkah) of Zikris. In the past probably Zikris also named this ritual as hajj but now the Zikri call it simply a ziarat (visit to a shrine). In Panjgur district, a majority of Zikris reside in Gichk, Gowargo and Sami Shahrag area but they are in a very small minority in other areas of the district.

The conflict between Muslims and Zikris is centuries old. Zikri religion is said to be originated about four centuries ago. It is believed to be introduced in Makran with the rise of Buledais. When the Buledais converted from Zikri faith to Islam, the Zikri folk denied their rule and supported Gichkis who were Zikris by faith. Mir Nasir Khan of Kalat sent nine expeditions to make the Zikri faith in Makran obsolete. Many a times religious scholars from both sides of the Iran border called for jihad (sacred fight) against Zikris and organised efforts were made to eliminate Zikris or to convert them to Islam. The most recent conflict surfaced in 1987 when a Zikri mullah (religious leader) challenged the Muslims for a munazara (arguments and counter-arguments) on trueness of Zikris. Almost all the Islamic religious parties took it as a stimulus and demanded for a proclamation by the government to declare Zikris as non-Muslims. In Ramazan, they gathered in Turbat, where the Koh-i-murad is located, and tried to stop Zikris from performing their rituals. For the last two years this conflict has cooled down as the Muslim scholars have decided to preach to Zikris in a passive way and create awareness about the misleading beliefs of Zikris. It is said that a large scale conversion of Zikris to Islam has taken place due to this preaching. However, Zikri sources denounce this claim and say that the campaign initiated by the Muslim ulema (scholars) has strengthened the boundaries of their faith.

In Panjgur, sectarian violence is minimal as most of the people belong to Sunni sect of Islam. They believe in Hanfi interpretation of Shariah. Generally, folks have religious attitudes and practice Islam according to its fundamental principles. Inheritance is divided according to the Islamic principles and daughters are given their property rights accordingly. All Islamic festive days are celebrated with zeal and fervour.

Panjgur is a relatively peaceful area. Tribal vendettas are rare and usually do not prolong for years. However common conflicts arise from time to time and are solved at community level or by a court of law. An informal aman (peace) committee has been constituted under the chairmanship of a religious leader for peacekeeping and conflict resolution. Its mandate is limited to mutual eagerness of the conflicting parties. It does not have any implementation or imposition structure. To date, this committee is claimed to have mediated in 21 murder cases in the last four years but now it is finding itself ineffective in peacekeeping. In case of conflict between two individuals only the families or closest friends take side of conflicting rivals, so chances are rare that personal conflict will transform into a tribal vendetta.

The Jirga system has been there but after the Balochistan High Court decision, it has been abolished. Now people try to mediate their conflicts at community level by involving old wise men or common friends as mediators. Otherwise they pursue the case through the court of law. It was told that usually people do not want to go to the police..

Panjgur is a frontier district which makes it ideal for illegal arms dealers. These arms illegally imported from Afghanistan and Iran are sold in the district without any fear of legal action. Various types of assault rifle are available for 16 to 25 thousand rupees. Arms of other calibre and ammunitions are also available freely. This situation has resulted in law and order problems for the law enforcing agencies. Major crimes like murder and robbery are common in the area due to easy availability of weapons.

Makran has a unique history regarding the status of women. Every woman in Panjgur has full control over the property acquired from her husband as dower and, as the Islamic law of inheritance is followed; she maybe expect in due course of time to inherit a portion of her parents property and will be entitled to a share in her husbands property if he pre-deceases her. Sometimes this ownership of property saves a women from divorce as in the situation her husband would have to transfer the property which he promised her as haq mehr. As indicating the pre-eminent position occupied by women, it may be mentioned that it has been customary to attribute the qualities of a son or daughter to the mother and not to the father.

A few women have joined the formal sector through government jobs, specially in the field of education. Few girls are working as motivators for the Primary Education Development Project as well as for the Water and Sanitation Section of the LG&RDD. Since 1995, the government has started employing middle pass girls as women health workers under the Prime Minister’s Programme for Family Planning and Basic Health. Through these opportunities women are striving towards economic independence. But still they are either deprived of many income generating activities or being exploited by under-valuation of their economic activities. One such example is of embroidery work which is bought from the women at nominal price by the middle man, and is further sold in the markets of Quetta and Karachi at much higher prices.

The economic independence of women in Panjgur does not fully translate into social independence. She has multiple roles but her socio-cultural milieu either does not allow her to perform these roles satisfactorily or she has no opportunities. Sometimes her role performance is restricted to the limits which suits the male domination. She makes many of the routine domestic decisions but decisions regarding major issues like that of the children’s marriages, are made by males in the family. However, she definitely has an advisory position in decision making. Unmarried girls have no say in the decision about their marriage. Although veil is not very strictly practised in Panjgur, very few women can be seen in the market. It is not an appreciable act for women to go outside their homes alone, even for medical check-up. Male drivers do not like to seat their female family members beside themselves.

Panjgur is a male dominated society where a male child is preferred. This preference results in discrimination of female children in education, health and nutrition. Expenditure on female education is considered a waste. In this way women loose their chance to be financially secure and they remain dependant on males. Due to preference for sons mothers, without a son are required to conceive repeatedly without an appropriate break which endangers their lives. Although exclusive health facilities for women, i.e. four Mother and Child Health Care Centres are established in Panjgur, due to unavailability of female staff 3 of these centres are not functioning.

Women and girls have limited chances of recreation. Although indoor games are arranged for girls in their schools, outdoor recreational facilities are banned for them. The only political role women in Panjgur play is of casting their vote, usually according to the will of their male family members.

A relatively better economic status of families in the district, mainly due to good income from employment in Gulf states, has limited the number of children working as labourers. A very small number of children were found working in some of the automobile workshops. They were working as apprentices and were supposed to open their own workshops after completion of training. Some of the working children were in bakeries, bicycle repair shops, black smith shops, hotels, engineering workshops, hair cutting saloons, tailoring shops, tunnoors (loaf makers), and welding works. In most of the cases children were working as apprentices and were paid a little amount as stipend.

In the localities far from settled villages, where water is not available in the house, children are supposed to fetch water and sometimes to collect fuel wood. In the livestock farming communities, they herd cattle and help in cattle raising. All these tasks are performed by children and considered as a help to their families; not as child labour.

The kinship based society of Panjgur differs, in various aspects, from other parts of Balochistan. Marriage here is a source of emancipation for women as it gives her economic independence. Collective decision making on development issues is there, but not in interpersonal conflicts and political decisions. Conflict resolution is made by mediation at the community level or by court of law. Religious conflict between Muslims and Zikris has been a major source of violence in the past, but now it has calmed down. Arms are available and the crime rate is increasing. Child labour is minimal in the district and most of the working children work as apprentices.

The social change is inevitable and Panjgur is no exception. However pace of this change is slow here. Old family ties are intact and cultural values still play important role in the life of an ordinary man.

The first ever local government system introduced in Panjgur was Village Aid Programme which was initiated in the whole of Makran district in June 1957. A total of 26 Village Councils were formed with a total strength of 312 members. This system was replaced by the Basic Democracies Order of 1959. Under the Basic Democracies system 19 Union Councils and 3 Town Committees were established in the whole of Makran district. In 1969, all these local government institutions were suspended and later on were totally abolished on 22nd January 1972. A new local government system was introduced in 1975 under the Balochistan Local Government Act 1975. This law could not be enforced in its true sense as the elections proposed under this act were never held. In 1979, another local government system was introduced in the country which was implemented in Balochistan under the Balochistan Local Government Ordinance 1980. This system is still enacted in the province. Under the provisions of this law, one District Council, one Town Committee, and 11 Union Councils are functional in Panjgur district.

The local government at Panjgur district comprises 11 union councils, one district council, and one town committee. The mandate of local councils was to address various socio-economic development issues on local level through need assessment, planning and implementation (see annex 4 for functions of local government). These local councils are supervised and supported by the Local Government and Rural Development Department through an Assistant Director at the district level. However, it is a common complaint that instead of working as an auxiliary organisation, LG&RDD plays a constrictive role in affairs of the local government institutions by posing bureaucratic hurdles.

Ideally the local government institutions were constituted on the assumption that in this way grass root decision making and implementation for development could be ensured. But this ideal has not been realised. Although small communities elect their representatives at local level and there is more intense interaction and exchange of ideas between representatives and the electoral college, participation of common folks in the decision making process is still minimal. After election, members of local councils rarely consult their voters on development issues. Similarly the appraisal of development potential and planning for exploitation of this potential is not according to the bottom-up approach. Rather a top-down decision making and implementation approach is followed. This approach leaves no room for participation of local government institutions in development planning.

All the local government institutions in Balochistan have been dissolved on 18th of December 1996 for new elections in 1997. Now these institutions are working under the supervision of government officials.

The union council is the smallest local government institution. The membership of each union council varies from 5-15 members. However, the elected councillors in every union council have to elect 2 women and one peasant member in their union council. There are 11 union councils in the district, a list of which is given in annex 1.

The union council, ideally, provides an opportunity for the people of rural areas to participate in decision making at micro level. It was assumed that a local council will have better chances of intense interaction and grass root appraisal of the problems of the people. But in the real sense the councils never received sufficient support from the provincial government according to the Act. Chairmanship of union councils have become a status symbol and means to vested interests. Distribution of zakat, prominence in the area and little favours by public officials are some of the vested interests which attracts most of the people to the chairmanship of a union council. The union council is not consulted in development planning for the rural areas. Usually decision making follows top-down approach, therefore, nullifying the ideal function of union councils. In addition, the union council has never received the financial support of higher authorities, it was supposed to receive, to be able to fulfil its functions, as described in the Local Government Ordinance of 1980

The only income of the union councils is a regular grant of rupees 18 thousand per annum from the provincial government. This small amount does not allow the union council to plan development strategies for the people in rural areas. The union council is not consulted in development planning for the rural areas.

The only town committee in the district is Chitkan. It comprises eleven councillors of which 8 are elected directly, one from each of the 8 wards, and these elected councillors elect 2 women and one labourer as councillors. The electorate comprises 3,986 voters. Chitkan was given the status of town committee in 1980. The civic facilities provided to the citizens by the town committee include solid waste disposal and watch & ward. The town committee has one tractor and trolley for collection and afterwards disposal, sometimes by burning, of the solid waste. Six watchmen are employed by the town committee for watch and ward, mainly in the commercial area. . There has never been any sewerage system or town planning in Chitkan

Like other local government institutions, Chitkan town committee is also under severe financial crises. The only permanent source of income for the town committee is octroi and business fees. In 1994-95, collection of octroi was contracted out for raising an amount of 1.002 million rupees per annum. As collection of octroi is a difficult task, specially due to the non-co-operation of the district administration and many open routes for entrance into the town, the contractors refused to bid for the octroi collection. The town committee itself managed the collection for 1995-96 which amounted to rupees 1,222,502. This pace has still been maintained till now, as the octroi collected in the first 5 months of 1996-97 is 574,119 rupees. The total salary of the town committee’s 41 employees is rupees 1.308 million per annum, which is hardly paid by octroi and additional income through business fee which amounts to about 60 thousand per annum. This financial inequilibrium hardly leaves any room for a development budget.

The last annual development plan (ADP) awarded to the town committee was in 1992-93 of rupees 0.523 million. Yearly grant is only 18 thousand rupees, which is totally consumed for honorarium to the chairman of the town committee. In 1994-95, the town committee received a special grant of rupees 0.1 million, which was spent to construct a new office for the Chairman. No development plans have ever been prepared by the town committee due to financial constraints. The main reason behind the unavailability of special funds by the provincial or federal government is the political differences between the elected representatives for the town committee and those for the national and provincial assemblies.

A strict vigilance on the import of octroiable goods and an efficient octroi collection mechanism with full support of the district administration can improve the financial condition of the town committee through an increase in revenue. The committee has a piece of land near the commercial area. If funds are provided for the construction of shops (of 8¢ x8¢ size) on this land, the annually received rent may be used for development of the town. At present there is no land tax levied by the town committee on sale or purchase of property in the town. This taxation can also be utilised to meet development expenditure.

At present (1997) there is no municipal committee in the district.

The District Council Panjgur comprises 15 councillors, out of which eleven are elected directly (one from each of the 11 union councils) while 4 councillors including 2 women, one peasant and one labourer are elected indirectly by the elected councillors. The district council is primarily responsible for the overall development of rural areas of the district (detailed functions of the local government institutions are described in annex 4).

Apart from special grants and annual development plans, zila (district) tax is the sole source of regular income for the district council. The recurrent budget liabilities of the council include the salaries of the employees amounting to 0.66 million rupees and a honorarium of its chairman. Total income of the district council was 1,294,264 rupees in 1994-95 while the total expenditure was 1.19 million rupees. In 1995-96, a bid for collection of zila tax was made by a contractor for 2.6 million rupees per annum. This high bid was made mainly because of increased import of charcoal and other goods from Iran at that time which decreased soon after the bid was finalised. Consequently, the contractor refused to pay further after paying 0.433 million rupees for two months. The district council managed zila tax collection itself and earned 0.6 million rupees in the remaining months. In 1995-96, the total income of the council was 1,510,886 rupees against the expenditure of 1,368,619 rupees. A bid of 0.452 million rupees has been made by a contractor for zila tax collection in December 1996 to June 1997 but has not yet been finalised due to the centralised process of approval of bids. However, it is expected that the district council will be able to earn 1,044,866 rupees to meet its expected expenditure of 940,336 rupees.

It seems that centralisation and lack of proper management are two major factors for the financial crisis of the district council. Fluctuations in the revenue collection confirm this assumption. However, in the past years, the district council received rupees 3.6 million from senator’s fund, apart from a regular grant of rupees 18 thousand per annum for honorarium of the chairman. About 3.2 million rupees have been spent for construction of two water supply schemes at Sordo and Tasp while the remaining amount is planned to be spent for construction of a water tank at Patandar. The water supply schemes completed by the council are non-functional due to unavailability of operation and maintenance budget. The PHED was requested to take over the schemes but the department also refused as they have recently started a program of handing over water supply schemes to the community. Another grant of 80 thousand rupees was given by the central government in 1996 for purchase of a grader which has been purchased and is functional. No annual development plan has been granted after year 1992-93.

The district council Panjgur, also, is a victim of political rivalries. The chairman of the council belongs to a political party other than that of MPA and MNA. The result is that no special development funds were provided to the district council in the previous 4 years. In the past, 5 primary schools and 2 dispensaries were constructed by the district council and handed over to the concerned departments. If appropriate funding and proper management of zila tax collection is arranged, the council can achieve its mandatory goals.

At the district level, the provincial government is represented by the Deputy Commissioner. All the departments functioning in the district are supposed to work in liaison with the DC. He is assisted by an Assistant Commissioner at the sub-division level, by a Tehsildar at the tehsil level, and by a Naib-Tehsildar at the sub-tehsil level. In this way Panjgur district has one Deputy Commissioner, one Assistant Commissioner, one Tehsildar, and two Naib-Tehsildars while another Naib-Tehsildar is there for levy of Ushar (tax on agricultural produce under the Islamic Law). The Deputy Commissioner is ex-officio member (in most cases head) of almost all the important committees and forums in the district. He is responsible for maintenance of law and order in the district, for collecting ushar from farmers through the Naib-Tehsildar, and for participating in development planning for the district.

The Deputy Commissioner Panjgur is supervised by the Commissioner Makran division and then by the Secretary, Services and General Administration Department (S&GAD) at the provincial level. He is an intermediatery link between micro and macro level administration. Despite the fact that he is supposed to play an important role in socio-economic development of the district, he is rarely consulted in policy making. Another dimension of the issue are the rapid transfers of Deputy Commissioners. Panjgur has seen 19 Deputy Commissioners in its 20 years’ history as a district. The posting period of the Deputy Commissioner ranges from two months to two years. This trend not only creates adhocism but also limits the Deputy Commissioner’s chances of full acquaintance with the district affairs.

Panjgur is divided into two areas as far as law enforcement is concerned. Area "A" is controlled by the Balochistan Police headed by a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP), while "B" area is controlled by the Balochistan Levies Force headed by the Deputy Commissioner (DC) of the district. Panjgur and Kech districts are jointly supervised by one Superintendent of Police (SP) posted at Turbat. There is one police station at Chitkan, established in 1963, with a total force of 38 policemen. A platoon of the Balochistan Reserve Police (BRP) comprising 25 policemen is also posted at Panjgur to aid the police station. The police station at Chitkan is responsible for maintenance of law and order in a radius of 8 kilometres. Initially the whole district was controlled by the police but in 1969 the district was bifurcated into two areas, "A" and "B". Police Lines for both the Panjgur and Kech districts are also located at Panjgur with a force of 125 policemen to provide support to police stations in these districts. Post of a separate SP, one police station, and two police posts have been sanctioned for Panjgur district but the decision could not be implemented due to budgetary constraints.

Levies force controls the remaining parts of the district. The Deputy Commissioner controls the levies through his Assistant Commissioner, Tehsildar and Naib-Tehsildars. Moreover, the DC controls another platoon of the BRP manned by 25 policemen. Another armed force named Makran Scouts is also deputed in Panjgur under an Army Major for vigilance at the international border.

The overall law and order situation is relatively good in the district. However crimes are on the increase. Usual crimes include robbery, theft and physical violence. The area near the Iranian border is a heaven for smugglers. They know all the routes and can therefore easily deceive the Customs officials. Iranian Balochistan provides a place of shelter for the culprits. There is a minor security risk for government officials and foreigners due to possible encounters between Makran Rangers and smugglers. Usually the government functionaries travel along with some security guards. Motorcycle snatching during the night is increasing.

Justice is administered through regular as well as Qazi courts. In the district regular courts are headed by the Additional District and the Session Judge. Previously the District Magistrate and the Sub-division Magistrates had judicial powers but recently administration and judiciary have been separated. The judiciary is of the view that this action has speeded up the delivery of justice while the administration opined that justice process is slow in courts and people are suffering due to delays. However, this action has resulted in a system of checks and balances between administration and judiciary.

Qazi courts were established in 1976 under the provisions of Qanun-e-Diwan-i-Kalat and have powers of civil, family, and rent courts. However, in tribal areas they provide justice to private parties under the provisions of shariat laws. Appeal against decisions of Qazi courts can be made before a Majlis-e-Shoora which comprises two Qazis under the chairmanship of District and Session Judge. Both types of courts work in complete harmony.

Another justice delivery mechanism was jirga system which has now been abolished. Jirga was a very old institution which was provided a legal framework under Ordinance I and II of 1968. According to these ordinances jirga was empowered to decide civil as well as criminal cases. Amongst the influential of the area, 20 members were nominated for jirga membership by the Deputy Commissioner out of whom two members were selected by each of the conflicting parties. Jirga was headed by a nominee of the DC. The Deputy Commissioner, and afterwards the Commissioner, were the appellate authority. Jirga system was abolished by an order of the Balochistan High Court. It surely was a time saving and economical mechanism of justice administration.

In Panjgur revenue is collected through various agencies. The district council is responsible for collection of zila tax which is assumed to be utilised to meet its development and recurrent expenditure. Similarly, the town committee collects octroi and business fee to meet its financial liabilities. Some utility fees are collected by the provincial government like water charges, livestock cess, ushar, and motor vehicle registration fee. Income tax and customs duty is levied by the federal government.

Usually revenue generated through the local councils remains lesser than what is required for development, rather even for recurrent expenditure. Major obstacles to revenue raising by the local councils in Panjgur include lack of co-operation on the part of the district administration, unhealthy co-operation between contractors to bid at a low level, and number of routes to enter into the district or Chitkan town. Attempts to privatise the revenue collection, or to contract out in other words, has not yet been successful. The revenue of the Chitkan Town Committee generated through contractors was less than that of the funds collected through officials of the town committee.

Revenue collection is a tough task in Panjgur. Officials blame the public for non-payment of taxes but the public demands appropriate facilities in return of the taxes paid. Tax culture is non-existent in Panjgur. People take every facility for granted and expect that the government provides them with every facility free of cost. This trend is very common in Panjgur.

None of these parties have women wings. However these parties do have a few active women supporters. Students wings of these parties, specially Baloch Students Organisation (BSO) and Jamiat Tulaba-i-Islam (JTI) are very much active and also play a role in political activities of their parent organisations. The political parties have exploited the students politics to accomplish their vested interests. The political parties in the district do not have labour wings but these parties support various workers’ unions in government organisations.

Non government organisations (NGOs) are not very effective in Panjgur. There are only 8 registered and 4 non-registered NGOs active for women, child, and youth welfare. Two of the province-wide NGOs, namely Helpers Association and Pak Public Development Society, have established primary schools in Panjgur. Many unregistered football clubs in the district provide a forum for youth to sit together and communicate aiming at collective development.

The Rural Community Development Council (RCDC), with its headquarters at Gwadar, is collaborating with the Primary Education Development Project (PEDP) and the Primary Education Quality Improvement Project (PEQIP) to establish primary schools for girls in Panjgur. The Rural Community Development Council has employed male as well as female Community Education Promoters to motivate the population in Panjgur for establishing girls primary schools on self-help basis. To date this council has initiated one such school in Gramkan.

There is no NGO working for women exclusively. However some women take part in various activities of the existing NGOs. The Family Planning Association of Pakistan (FPAP) is providing family planning services in the district.

Some international organisations and projects have been active in the district, specially in the field of education, health, and rural development. Through World Food Programme (WFP) cooking oil is distributed among pregnant women. The World Bank has provided assistance in Panjgur for water management through the On Farm Water Management Project.

Panjgur, still, is a semi-settled area with two types of government. There are local government institutions to ensure public participation in planning and implementation of development strategies and there is a district administration to represent the federal and provincial government. However, except the two obligatory ones, there are no women in the councils represented, which means that women do not directly participate in decision making. The district council and town committee are under financial pressure and hardly have any money for development activities.

There has been a practice of frequent transfers of government officials. As an example, the district has been supervised by 19 Deputy Commissioners in the last 20 years of its life. Some of them served here for a period less than three months. This adhocism results in greater discontinuity of planning and implementation and contribute to the state of under-development of the area. Local government institutions can play an important role in development of the area if provided with administrative and financial support.

Law and order situation is relatively good in the district. Local peace and arbitration committees can help improve it further. Increase in revenue generation needs more efficient vigilance and provision of adequate civic facilities.

Agriculture is the main economic activity in Panjgur, followed by livestock farming and government and social services. The majority of the population wins its bread from agriculture and horticulture. According to 1981 census, the major economic activity in Panjgur district was "agriculture, forestry and hunting" followed by "Construction" and then by "Community, Social and Personal services".

In Panjgur agricultural crops are categorised in two types, Rabi and Kharif, according to their cultivation seasons. Rabi crops are sown in winter and harvested in late winter or during early summer while Kharif crops are sown in summer and harvested in late summer or early winter. The major Rabi crops of the district include wheat, barley, masoor, and various vegetables, in particular tomatoes. Kharif crops in Panjgur include jowar, rice, melons, vegetables, and pulses including mash and moong. Fodder is cultivated throughout the year. Fruits are produced in Kharif season. As the climate in Panjgur is cool in winter, all the fruits of cold areas are produced in the district, including almonds, pomegranates, grapes, peaches and even pistachios. Date is the major agricultural produce of the district which is exported to other parts of the country.

Agricultural labour consists predominantly of males. However women help their family by getting involved in allied activities like home-base date processing. Mostly the farming activities are performed by the land owner himself although tenants are also employed.

In Panjgur, agricultural land can be classified into irrigated and un-irrigated. Irrigation land has permanent sources of water like karezes and kaurjos. This land is mainly in the Rakhshan valley where most of the karezes and kaurjos are excavated and used for irrigation as well as for water source for household use. Un-irrigated land in Gichk, Gowargo, Parome, and Dasht-e-Shahbaz areas is either rain-fed, locally called khushkaba, or flood irrigated (sailaba). Irrigated land is predominantly used for production of fruits. Crops like wheat, jowar, barley, and rice are cultivated in un-irrigated land.

The Agriculture Department has sub-divided the net potential area available for cultivation into current fallow, net sown, area sown more than once, and culturable waste. In Panjgur, about 95 percent of the area is either not yet reported or not available for cultivation. The arable land constitutes less than 2 percent of the total area. The major reasons are scarcity of water and unavailability of agricultural labour.

Panjgur is not a settled area. Land settlement was planned a few years ago but has not been completed. In this situation cadastrial maps and records of land settlement or land ownership are not available. This, sometimes, results in conflicts over land ownership. In Panjgur, land ownership is of two types. In irrigated areas communal ownership of land exists, while individual ownership is predominant in un-irrigated areas. The reason is an economic one. Un-irrigated areas are flood irrigated for most parts, therefore financial inputs for irrigation are minimal. Irrigated lands are irrigated by karezes or kaurjos which require considerable amounts of money or manpower for excavation. Usually a group of farmers pools its financial or human resources for excavation of karezes or kaurjos. Usually the yield produced from land irrigated by communal source of irrigation is distributed on equity basis.

According to the 1990 Census of Agriculture, the majority (64.8%) of the land-holdings sized below 5 hectares. Only 8.9 percent of the farms were larger than 20 hectares. In Kohbun area tubewell irrigation was adopted about a decade ago. Usually the area irrigated by one tubewell is around 10 to 12 hectares. In this area tubewells are mostly owned and operated by joint families. However, there are a fair number of tubewells which are owned by individual households.

Tenancy is not very much common as farm sizes are small and most of the farmers themselves work on their fields. Some large land and orchard owners employ tenants, locally called shareeks. Tenancy contracts are not formal and verbal understanding is considered enough. Mouroosi (inherited) tenancy is not practised in the district and it is usually the tenant, rather than the land owner, who discontinues the contract. Sometimes tenants make deals, at the same time, with more than one land owner, mainly due to scarcity of agricultural labour. In case of irrigated land, the tenant gets one third of the total yield while in un-irrigated land the tenant gets one fourth share in the yield. In both cases all the inputs are provided by the land owner. Another form of tenancy is also practised which is locally called lathbandi. In this type of tenancy the tenant contributes all the inputs and he retains three fourth of the total yield. If he provides half of the inputs then he gets half share of the total yield.

Agricultural statistics are collected primarily by a Field Assistant posted in every union council. An Agriculture Officer at district level is responsible to compile district data and to send it to Statistics Wing of the Agriculture Department through the Assistant Director, Agriculture Extension. The Directorate General of Agriculture Department compiles and publishes this data in the form of Agriculture Statistics of Balochistan, every year.

On counter-check it was found that there are discrepancies in data sent by the Agriculture Officer, Panjgur and published by the Agriculture Department. For example, the net sown area was given 17,297 hectares in Agricultural Statistics 1994-95 while the report sent by the Extra Assistant Director, Agriculture Extension shows it as 5,807 hectares, about three times less. Same is the case with other statistics. In a situation like this no satisfactory development planning can be done.

After dates, wheat is the major agricultural produce of the area, although in terms of economic value tomatoes, pomegranate and fodder are of more importance. It is cultivated mostly in un-irrigated areas, flood irrigated for the most part, like Gichk, Parome, Balgattar, Gowargo and Dasht-e-Shahbaz. Although average per hectare yield of wheat in Panjgur (1,391 kg/Ha.) is not at par with the average yield of wheat for the province of Balochistan (2,320 kg/Ha.), it fulfils the local needs to a great extent. Barley is another crop cultivated mostly in khushkaba lands. According to local sources, once rice has been a good crop in Panjgur district but now the area under rice cultivation has reduced significantly, mainly due to less rainfall and unavailability of alternate irrigation sources. Different vegetables and fodder are cultivated throughout the year in irrigated as well as un-irrigated areas.

Date, the major produce among fruits, is most frequently planted on irrigated land. About 40 types of date are produced in the district, of which mozawati, kahrba, alini, rabai, jawansor, dandari, sabzo and kalut are most popular. Dates require continuos irrigation and more care. The process of impregnation is unique in case of dates. Pollens from male date tree are sprinkled on female date tree manually. This requires more manpower as compared to other horticultural activities.

The time series data on average yields and total production show an inconsistent trend. Although total production has increased over the years, specially of fruits, average yield is unpredictable. A significant increase (from 2,577 tonnes to 133,629 tonnes) has been observed in the total production of fruits during the years 1993-95 whilst the area under cultivation has also increased considerably (from 2,235 Ha. to 13,890 Ha.; about 300%). However, the average agricultural yield has decreased slightly in the same period. In 1993-94, area under wheat cultivation was decreased to half of the previous years and the same was the case with total production of wheat in Panjgur (see Annex 6 for detailed statistics). The main reason behind this fluctuating trend seems to be the quality of the statistics. Wheat is produced in un-irrigated areas which are flood irrigated for the most part. Less rainfall may be a reason for less area under wheat cultivation in 1994-95 (1,740 Ha.) as compared with 2,180 hectares in 1992-93.

Males are the visible agricultural workers in Panjgur. Females take part in agriculture- allied activities inside the household boundaries. For example dates are dried by women at household level. Land owners themselves till the land and tenants are not easily available to be contracted. Although mechanisation, like use of tractors and threshers, is increasing, still most of the farming is performed through indigenous methods, such as bullocks used for ploughing in orchards (inter-cropping).

According to the Agricultural Statistics 1994-95, the major source of irrigation in Panjgur is kaurjo, a small water channel taken to fields from a pit dug in bed of a perennial flow to obtain under surface water. Other significant sources are tubewells, operated by diesel, and open surface wells from where water is taken out for irrigation with the help of diesel pumps. A small proportion of land is irrigated with karezes and springs etc. while the remaining is khushkaba or sailaba land dependent on rainfall. The total number of tubewells has increased in khushkaba lands over the past years but the numbers of functional tubewells has decreased, mainly due to increase in diesel price.

In irrigated areas, the major source of irrigation is karez and then kaurjo. In 1993, it was estimated that there were 117 active karezes and 30 kaurjos in Panjgur district being used for irrigation. The Agricultural Statistics 1994-95 claim that about a third (31.1%) of the cultivated land in the district is being irrigated through kaurjos and only 300 hectares (1.0%) out of the total cultivated land is being irrigated by karezes. This also supports the assumption that agricultural statistics are not totally reliable.

Usually karezes are excavated and maintained on communal basis. Minor cleaning is done by farmers themselves while Afghan labour is hired for excavation and major cleaning of karezes. The same is the case with kaurjos. As the quantity of water obtained through kaurjo decreases, the length of pit in the bed of semi-perennial flow is increased to obtain more water. The water of karez is divided according to the share of inputs on equity basis. Division of water is done in terms of time. The irrigation time from sunrise to sunset or from sunset to sunrise is called hangãm while small fraction of time is called tãs. The person who is responsible for maintenance of karez and division of water is called sarishta. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID), in late 1980’s, tried to improve the karez system by fixing infiltration galleries in karezes to increase the quantity of water but it failed because cleaning of karezes became a difficult task. Although government has assisted farmers in tubewell installation through bank loans from the Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan and through technical expertise, people in karez irrigated areas are very much reluctant to start tubewells. The main reason for this reluctance is that tubewells will result in lowering of the water table and karezes will dry up. Operation and maintenance costs of diesel powered tubewell are far higher than that of karezes. Therefore nobody wants to switch from a cheaper method to a more expensive one.

In flood irrigation, rain-water is harvested into the fields by embankment. This provides enough water for cultivation of crops like wheat and barley. Almost all the tubewells are diesel powered. These are used for irrigation when diesel, illegally imported from Iran, is cheap. Otherwise, tubewells are not operated and farmers wait for rainfall. It is necessary to clarify a misunderstanding: often open surface wells with diesel pumps are also called tubewells. In Panjgur there are 94 such open surface wells being used for irrigation. The government has assisted water management in collaboration with the World Bank under the On Farm Water Management Project (88% share by the WB and 12% by GoB). The project has constructed lined water channels, to avoid wastage of water during irrigation, and water tanks (of 40,000 gallons capacity) for collection of water. The project has completed its third phase in December 1996. The first phase of the project was not implemented in Balochistan. In its second phase (1988-91), the project afforded all the construction costs for water tanks but farmers were asked to share 25 percent of the total costs for water channels while the remaining (75%) was paid by the project. In the third phase, farmers were facilitated by giving them the opportunity to pay their share in instalments (40% advance, 60% in instalments). The project has completed construction work of 34 water tanks and 27 water channels in its third phase.

The major agricultural machinery being used in the district includes tractors, threshers, and tubewells. There has been a consistent increase in the number of privately owned agricultural machines but it is not documented anywhere. The farmers in Panjgur seem considerate about increased mechanisation of agriculture as they buy agricultural machinery, specially tractors and tubewells. The Agricultural Engineering Department provides bulldozers at the rate of 300 rupees per hour for levelling of agricultural lands and construction of embankments.

In 1994-95, a very small quantity (half a tonne) of chemical fertilisers, DAP and NPK, were used in Panjgur district in the month of March as indicated in the Agricultural Statistics. There is no consistent pattern of fertiliser usage (see Annex 6). The farmers often use manure as fertiliser. Pesticides are used for horticulture, vegetables, melons, and fodder through ground sprays. Sometimes wheat seed is also treated with pesticides. In 1994-95, 720 kilograms of pesticides were used in the whole district. Supplies are made through small dealers in the private sector.

Lack of adequate road connections has incapacitated the farmers to bring their yield to the local market. Most of the produce is locally consumed. Only dates are exported to other parts of the country like Karachi, Quetta, and Sukkur. Vegetables are exported just to the neighbouring districts, Kech and Awaran. Agricultural as well as horticultural produce is sold on farm where a middle man buys the goods and further sells it in the markets. The Lipton company has been a buyer of dates from Panjgur, for processing and packing. Now this company has diverted its attention to other date producing areas, may be due to logistical problems in Panjgur.

There are no fixed prices of agricultural products. Official rates are totally invalid in Panjgur. Price of dates depends upon crop situation in other date producing areas of the country. If there is a good crop of dates in other areas, price of dates will be low in Panjgur and vice versa. Grain crops just meet the local needs therefore organisations like PASCO are not active in the district.

As most of the agricultural produce is used domestically at local level, agriculture is not the significant source of cash income. The average yield of cash crops like rice and wheat is low, hence farmers are unable to raise their economic status through agriculture. However, agriculture fulfils their nutritional needs to some extent. The date producers are relatively at advantageous position as date is a profitable crop but this also depends upon price of dates in other districts. Hardly any data are available to calculate the level of income of the farmer households in reference to agriculture, but based on the total volume of the various produces and the Quetta wholesale prices as indicated in the Agricultural Statistics of 1994 - 1995, the per capita income from agriculture is estimated Rs. 6,200 per capita for the year 1995. See annex 6.

The Department of Agriculture Extension is providing assistance to farmers through dissemination of technical know-how and information regarding agriculture/horticulture. The department is also responsible for implementation of the On Farm Water Management Project. To date, no research farm has been established in Panjgur. However, there are 18 demonstration plots for different crops and 18 new demonstration plots are under consideration. In 1995-96, the department has carried out plant protection work on 1881 hectares of land. The department has one seed and fertilisers depot at Panjgur from where seed and fertilisers are provided to the farmers at prices fixed by the government. There seems very little co-ordination between research activities by the federal government and the knowledge dissemination process by the provincial government through the Department of Agriculture Extension. Another problem is lack of a viable process of communication between farmers and the department. It was told that the department often makes advice to the farmers but they rarely care about advice. One example is of date farming. In order to maximise the use of irrigated land, farmers cultivate date trees very closely to each other whilst minimum recommended distance between two date trees is 6 metres. Moreover the farmers grow wheat or vegetables under these trees. Less distance between trees results in less fluorosynthesis and mixed crops result in increased pests and diseases.

The Balochistan government and private sector are the main partners providing support structure to the agricultural sectors. The federal government is also involved to some extent.

The agricultural potential is meagre in Panjgur. A lot of area is still open for exploitation. The agricultural data from district level are not consistent with those of the Agricultural Statistics of Balochistan.

Traditional crops are sown and innovative farming is non-existent in Panjgur. Although there is a potential for date processing industry, people are reluctant to invest in this new sector. One reason is a failed experience of date processing factory in Turbat and the other is an atmosphere of non-co-operation and lack of trust towards each other. For one reason or the other, people do not want to invest their money in partnerships.

Panjgur is one of the moderate livestock raising areas in Makran division. The areas of Gichk and Shahbaz Kalat, to the north-west of Panjgur, are major small ruminant raising areas in the district. The sub-tehsil Parome is predominantly livestock raising area. The livestock census figures for 1986 are discrepant with the other two census figures, i.e., those from 1976 and the preliminary ones from 1996. In the last ten years, an overall increase of more than 35 percent in Livestock Units has been reported in the draft 1996 census report. The most significant increase has been observed in the population of sheep, while the population of draught animals has decreased. The 1996 figures are approximately consistent with those of the Livestock Census 1976. The statistical depression of livestock in 1986 is difficult to explain. This fluctuation seems to be a result of unreliable data collection and inefficient supervision during the census process.

Livestock farmers own herds of more than one hundred heads of small ruminants and they have regular pattern of seasonal migration. The livestock raising communities live in mountainous areas, like Gowargo, Grawag, Washap, Shahbaz Kalat, Drakop and Gichk, which are not easily accessible by road. Apart from the livestock farming household, all the agricultural households in Panjgur raise different animals. An average household owns a couple of cows, a pair of bullocks or a camel for ploughing, sometimes a donkey as a beast of burden and several sheep and goats. Horses were kept by a vast majority of landowners about two decades ago with the advent of motorcycles the horse population has drastically reduced. Now an insignificant number of landowners own horses. Poultry is raised by a vast majority of the households but mortality rate is reported to be very high and discouraging.

Although women in less populated areas graze their animals, mostly the children are livestock grazers. Women help with feeding the animals at home if fodder is available. This itself is a tedious and time consuming task. By grazing the animals children share economic burden of the household. Although this may not be called child labour, still it deprives the children of schooling which is a basic constitutional right of every child.

Among the different types of cattle cows are the most raised in Panjgur and are a major source of milk production. Buffaloes are relatively rare. Bullocks and camels are raised for farming and to fulfil nutritional needs of the area. Beef of cattle is not only consumed locally; cattle is sent to other areas also for slaughtering. According to an estimate, local consumption amounts to 138 cattle per month. These statistics are for Panjgur proper while there is no record of slaughtering in other areas. Hides are sold in the open market at Panjgur to the retailers and afterwards sent to Karachi for processing. Cattle are marketed through a mandi (market) which commences every week.

There are a few dairy farms one of which is owned by the government. The government dairy farm has 37 dairy cattle, mostly cows, and produces about 2,150 litres of milk every month. Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan has issued loans to two of the private dairy farms. These farms intend to expand their business with the help of this loan. One of these dairy farms is at Khudabadan. At present, it has 6 cows and is producing 40-45 litres of milk per day. The monthly expenditure on feed and medicine for cattle is about 9 thousand rupees while monthly income through sale of milk is about 25 thousand rupees. The total seed money spent on purchase of land and construction of shed amounts to 0.35 million rupees. This farm has the capacity to accommodate 40-45 cattle. The owners have borrowed a loan from the Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan and are planning to expand their farm.

Sheep and goats constitute an overwhelming majority of the livestock population. Even agricultural households have tens of small ruminants. These are raised mostly in un-irrigated areas where range land provides pasture. Sheep and goats are raised for multiple purposes like milk, mutton, and money. In Panjgur proper, at the average, 1,837 sheep and 1,973 goats are estimated to be slaughtered every month.

There are a few poultry farms in Panjgur but the major part of poultry requirement is met through illegal import of poultry birds from Iran. According to local resources about 45 thousand birds are locally raised every month in the private sector. At present the government poultry farm at Chitkan has 2,500 birds. It is difficult for government poultry farm to compete in the market because of procedural hurdles. Annual income of the government poultry farm is about 0.15 million rupees.

Major diseases prevalent among livestock in Panjgur are long worm, wire worm, liver fluke, pelorononenia, and mange. People are not very much considerate about diseases of their stocks. Again lack of road links and unavailability of veterinary services at union council level results in high livestock mortality. However exact mortality rates are not known.

At present only one veterinary hospital is functional in Panjgur district at Chitkan. Previously there have been 6 veterinary dispensaries which have presently decreased to 4, at Tasp, Gichk, Khudabadan and Parome. As these are the only veterinary health outlets in the district, change in fee policy affects animal treatment to a great extent. Presently, 50 percent of the total treatment cost is charged to livestock owners. It is planned to be raised up to 75 percent in 1997-98 and to 100 percent in 1998-99. The vaccination was free in 1993-94 but in 1994-95 a fee of two rupees per vaccination was imposed. This policy resulted in decreased livestock vaccination. Therefore the government made it free again in 1995-96. Now the rate of vaccination is again increasing (see Annex 7). A sum of 10,768 rupees was received by the department in 1995-96 on account of animal treatment. In order to provide veterinary services to people living in far flung areas, mobile camps are also organised in winter season. An Artificial Insemination Centre and a Disease Investigation Laboratory Unit are not available in the district.

In Panjgur, the Department of Livestock Development is supervised by an Assistant Director. The total staff strength of the department is 53 which includes four veterinary officers also. The department is responsible for providing veterinary treatment facilities, running dairy and poultry farms, and collection of livestock data.

The provincial government is providing veterinary services and, to some extent, input supplies while price setting and marketing is done by the private sector. The federal government is providing credit services through the Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan which has facilitated and enabled people for livestock farm development.

Pasture lands have once been characteristic of Panjgur but now the whole area seems devoid of any considerable vegetation. New occupations and urbanisation have decreased interest in livestock farming. Economically the livestock sector is currently of little importance for Panjgur. However, a considerable proportion of the population is still involved in this activity. The role of women in livestock has not been made visible yet.

Livestock farming can develop into an organised sector if the government provides more effective guidance and veterinary services along with easily payable credit. Mostly small ruminants are preferred by most of the people and only a few cows or other dairy animals are kept by households. The major reason behind this trend is unavailability of fodder. Agricultural development may result in better fodder crops and, consequently, in increased cattle farming.

Panjgur, although partly a of land of mahikhoran (fish eaters), is devoid of fisheries activities. Fish is imported from Pasni, Gwadar, and Jiwani and is consumed in large quantities. But further no fisheries related activities are reported in the district.

All official sources report no forest in Panjgur district. However, few areas of the district have clusters of trees which are cut and used as fuel wood.

According to the Divisional Forest Officer (DFO), about 50 to 60 thousand cuttings of gazz (tamarix galicia) trees were once planted near Rakhshan river in Panjgur. However no trace of such plantation could be found during the field visit. The forestry department had plans for tree plantation in various areas of the district but could not put these plans into practice due to budget constraints.

The vegetation in Panjgur consists mainly of grasses and spiny scrubs. There are numerous grass and fodder plants in the district. The most important of these are the barshonk, sorag, drug and kandar. The landscape is featured with kahur (prosopis spicigera) and gazz (tamarix galica) or tamarisk trees. Fodder grass is plentiful and found in places where water is scarce. Some plants of pharmaceutical importance including aishak, guldir, morpuzo, danichk (Ispaghol), keraich and udesh are also found in the district. Some other wild plants are guan, chigird and gishtar. A frequently found plant is pish (nannorhops ritchieana) which is used for construction of huts in some areas of the district.

Once the district’s mountainous area contained plenty of Sind ibex (Capra lircus) and ravine deer (Gazella gazella bennetti) but now they are rarely found. Hares and wild ducks are hunted in the district. Occasionally, wolves (Canis lupus pallipes), Caracal (Felis caracal) and bears are also found while wild pigs are found in Dabbing, west of Isai. Bustards are rarely found in areas adjoining cultivation. The most common animal found in Panjgur district is the red fox (Vulpes vulpes).

Bee-keeping is an alien idea in the district as people are aware of wild honey only.

The district is officially reported to be devoid of forests. However, wild plants, grasses, and trees are found of which some are of pharmaceutical use. Game birds are also found in the area. Afforestation is needed for the area, specifically in order to stop wind erosion.

The district has always been ignored a mineral survey. The Geological Survey of Pakistan has not reported any minerals in the area. According to the Inspectorate of Mines antimony is obtained from two mines in the area of Korkian and Padkash, with an average production of 3,512.4 tonnes per annum. Local sources also indicate mining of antimony in the area of Sabzab by a private lease-holder.

The Inspectorate of Mines has reported occurrence of sulphur and salt which is yet to be explored and confirmed. The salt sedimentation in kaps indicates presence of salt in land. At present, antimony is being mined in the district.

The mountainous land of Panjgur might be rich of minerals. The action needed is exploration and subsequent exploitation of the mineral resources in the district. Exploitation of minerals will not only benefit the national economy but will also help the socio-economic development of the area.

Panjgur has no major industry except a power generation plant owned by the Water and Power Development Authority (WAPDA). However some manufacturing enterprises are functional in the district. Factors inhibiting the growth of industry and manufacturing include non-existent infrastructure, unavailability of skilled labour, lack of training institutions, and little interest of government functionaries.

Panjgur has only a few small enterprises. Major hurdles in their establishment include lack of skills, inadequate infrastructure and non-supportive attitude of governments both at federal and provincial level. No training has been considered so far, for either men or women. There is no vocational institute in the district. Interested candidates have no opportunity to receive any training. Essential infrastructure, including roads and power are lacking. There has been little planning regarding skill development and provision of infrastructure either due to lack of interest or lack of financial resources.

There are few manufacturing outlets in the district. Most of them are furniture making workshops while others include three ice factories and one soft drink filling plant. Both the soft drink plant and ice factories work in summer only. Embroidery work is done in the houses by females therefore is not accounted for in official statistics. There is enough potential for manufacturing units but irregular electricity supply, unavailability of skilled labour and lack of proper road links to big cities are the major constraints.

Major trade in the district is illegal cross border import from Iran. Many of the consumer goods, including flour, sugar, plastic goods, biscuits, blankets, liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), and poultry birds come from Iran and are cheaper than the Pakistani ones. Although Makran Scouts and Pakistan Customs are responsible to check this illegal import, acquaintance of locals with the safe routes along with inefficient vigilance result in a large scale transportation of these goods into the district. Moreover local influential are of the opinion that, due to the low economic status of the majority of the population, it is imperative to allow this cross border trade. Unavailability of adequate road links to major cities like Karachi and Quetta is another factor for the high prices of Pakistani goods which result in more need for illegal imports.

Although a small quantity of vegetables is also exported to Kech, dates remain the major export item being exported to Karachi, Quetta, Sukkur and other parts of the country. Dates produced in Panjgur are processed in Karachi and Sukkur and afterwards exported to foreign markets. One date processing unit was established in Turbat but has been closed due to mismanagement. The export of dates in unpacked form gives a relatively low return and even the quantity to be exported depends upon the crop of dates in other parts of the country. If the crop is good there, price of dates in Panjgur remains low and vice versa.

Panjgur has no tourist attraction. Infrastructure for development of tourism is absolutely non-existent. There are only two rest houses with limited accommodation while no well furnished hotel is there for accommodation of tourists. Although some archaeological sites in the district, like fort of Nawab Habibullah Khan at Khudabadan, Kuhna Kalat and some old tombs are of tourists’ interest, unavailability of support structure like roads, hotels and transportation prevents the tourists from visiting the area.

Embroidery work is the main handicraft done by women of the area with excellent skill and craft. Mostly it is done on women’s dresses for personal use but skilled women also receive orders to make dresses for other women. This embroidery work is rarely sold out in markets. Cost of such embroidery ranges from Rs. 500 to Rs. 7,000 and work can take 3 to 6 months for completion. Almost all women are skilled in embroidery craft but only few do it for income generation. This craft can be developed as cottage industry.

Another handicraft is mat and basket making by using pish (dwarf palm leaves). These baskets and mats are used domestically or sold out in the market. Only a small proportion of population in Panjgur is involved in this activity.

The Department of Industries exists at provincial level but it does not play any role for the development of industries or small business enterprises at district level in Panjgur.

The only government support available for development of small enterprise and manufacturing is through banking. Banks, either in public or private sector, provide long and short term loans to finance various trade activities. Marketing is done through the private sector and there is not a very effective marketing network for export of goods from Panjgur.

The district has only one industry, a power generation plant, and a few manufacturing units and mills. Import in Panjgur is, for the most part, illegal, smuggled from Iran. Many consumer items are imported from Iran and are cheaper than those of Pakistani. The only considerable export of the district is dates. There is no infrastructure available for development of business or manufacturing. Even electricity, a basic necessity, is not available on regular basis. This is said to be one reason behind closure of most of the shops in Chitkan bazaar at about 2 p.m. Another stated reason for this strange phenomenon is that most of the buyers come from far off villages and it is difficult to commute after sunset. It might be inferred that provision of infrastructure, like electricity and roads, can ensure increased business activity. Technical know-how, training for different skills, and provision of appropriate physical infrastructure is highly needed to encourage industrial development.

Tourism is minimal as no facilities are available in the district. Embroidery work is done by women for personal use, but a small proportion of it is sold in the market. Pish mats and baskets are also made by a few people. Skilled handicraft by women can also be developed into a cottage industry. This should result in empowering women economically.

The total length of roads within the district is 1,655 kilometres out of which only 58 kilometres is metalled (black top). All these roads were constructed and are maintained by the provincial Buildings and Roads (B&R) Division of the Communications and Works (C&W) Department. At present the B&R Division has 3 motor graders, 2 dozers, 3 road rollers, one tractor and one dump truck out of which only one motor grader is in working condition. All other machines need either minor or major repair. A program of "farm to market roads" has been started by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) under which roads from Panjgur to Hoshab and Gowargo have been surveyed. Unavailability, and sometimes improper utilisation, of development budget and highly unfavourable cost-benefit analysis are two major factors behind this little length of metalled roads.

Unavailability of black top roads in the district has hampered the transportation and, consequently, trade activities. Due to high maintenance cost of the vehicles, transporters demand for high fare which further affects the costs. Some areas do not even have shingle roads, hence agriculture products cannot be marketed.

Any exact data on transport in Panjgur is hard to find as no private motor vehicle owner gets his vehicle registered in the district. Only the government vehicles are registered or some vehicles are registered in other districts. Most of the vehicles are illegally imported from Gulf states via transit trade facility to Afghanistan and are re-imported illegally to Pakistan without paying any duty. These automobiles do not have any documentation, hence, are available at a relatively lesser price. The same is the case with motorcycles. None of the motorcycles has a registration number. Many of them are illegally imported from Iran. The authorities responsible for registration of automobiles and collection of revenue from the owners seem quite careless regarding this issue. Some vehicles on the road have fake number plates, but no authority checks them.

A limited number of buses ply from and to Panjgur for other parts of the province. Due to unavailability of metalled roads the journey from Panjgur to Karachi takes about 24 hours while it is about 20-22 hours from Quetta to Panjgur. Daily 2 coaches, from each side, ply between Karachi and Panjgur, 3-4 between Quetta and Panjgur, one between Khuzdar and Panjgur and one between Kharan and Panjgur, which takes about 10-11 hours. A few pickups also ply daily between Panjgur and Turbat and for some other destinations. Panjgur is a cluster of about a dozen villages and no public transport is available for travel between these villages. Most of the residents use motorcycles for inter-village travelling.

Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation (Radio Pakistan) has one broadcasting station of 0.25 K.W., M.W. at Turbat. This station was inaugurated on January 4, 1981 and daily transmit programmes for about five hours (1800-2310). It broadcasts in Urdu (3 hours) and Balochi (2 hours) while radio stations at Quetta and Khuzdar also transmit programmes in Balochi which can be listened to in Panjgur district. Because people do not bother to pay radio licence fee, no data are available about the total number of radio sets in the district.

The Pakistan Telecommunication Company Limited (PTCL) has provided a telephone network to many villages of Panjgur. The first ever telephone exchange was established at Chitkan with 30 connections which was enhanced to a capacity of 400 lines in 1987. It was upgraded as a nation wide dialling (NWD) exchange with a capacity of 2,000 lines and now another digital exchange of 2,000 lines is under construction at Chitkan. At present there are 3 digital telephone exchanges in Panjgur district with a capacity of 1,300 lines at Tasp, 1,000 lines at Gramkan, and 1,000 lines at Isai. Other exchanges are located at Rainagor and Bonistan with 50 lines each and at Parome with 30 lines while telephone exchange at Kalag has a capacity of 100 connections and another 100 lines’ digital exchange has been sanctioned for Kalag. The total number of telephone connections in the whole district are 2,571. Eighteen villages have telephone link through microwave public call offices. Although there are 8 private call offices in Chitkan, no public call office is there. However, one Customer Service Centre is ready to be opened which will provide all the telecommunication facilities to the public. Telegraphic and facsimile services, promoted by the Pakistan Telecommunication Company, are also available in the district but internet and e-mail services are not yet available.

Contrary to other government departments, the PTCL staff was satisfied with the revenue collection. There was no complaint about defaulters. Many applications were pending, waiting for completion of cable networking process.

In Panjgur district, the Pakistan Postal Services Corporation has established one post office at Chitkan, one sub post office at Tasp, and 8 branch post offices at Washbood, Khanzangi, Gichk, Parome, Gramkan, Kohbun, Sordo and Katagari. Although not very regular, door to door a delivery mechanism is present and mail is delivered throughout the district. Mail reaches Panjgur by air as well as by road but delayed delivery of mail is a common complaint. Special mail services are not yet available at Panjgur; 54 post boxes are available at the post office for the public.

The sole courier service (TCS), which started in 1995, is available at the district headquarters, i.e., Chitkan only.

In Panjgur, commercial banking services are provided by Habib Bank Limited (HBL), National Bank of Pakistan (NBP), United Bank Limited (UBL), Allied Bank Limited (ABL), and Muslim Commercial Bank (MCB), while Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan (ADBP) provides credit services for the farmers. Habib Bank has two branches in the district, one branch at Chitkan and one at Tasp. The principal business of the banks in Panjgur is remittance of money which comes from Gulf states; lending of money from the banks is also common among the business community.

The Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan was established in the district in 1981 to provide loans to farmers for agricultural development. A pre-appraisal is prepared for lending by a Mobile Credit Officer, who after a detailed visit prepares the financial appraisal. After financing, the bank keeps track of its investment and an evaluation of loan utilisation is made. Usually agricultural land is mortgaged and a loan up to 66 percent of its value can be provided on which 14.5 percent mark-up is charged. Sometimes personal guarantee is also acceptable if the loan demanded is up to 30 thousand rupees. In 1995-96, a sum of rupees 10.84 million was issued to 56 borrowers. In the financial year 1993-94, lending to the farmers amounted to rupees 14.9 million and in 1994-95 this amount was rupees 34.412 million. Recovery rate has been 80-90 percent up to 1989 after which it started declining and in June 1996 it was 46 percent only. According to the bank officials, the main reasons behind default include a decline in income from Gulf states and no rainfall for the last two years, which has severely affected rain dependent crops.

The Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan has introduced many schemes some of which have been abandoned. The bank has financed installation of tubewells in Gichk, Parome, and Dasht-e-Shahbaz and as a consequence irrigated area under cultivation has increased. Tractors and pick-ups were provided to the farmers for cultivation and marketing. A total of 26 tractors were provided to the farmers at 12 percent interest rate under the Awami Tractor Scheme. The bank has also financed the development of dairy farms and out of three, two loans have been repaid. Any type of agriculture based industry can be financed under the bank’s manifesto. Lending can also be made for seeds, fertilisers, and agricultural machinery. The bank has appointed 3 Mobile Credit Officers in Panjgur district for providing credit facilities to the farmers.

The first time the district was provided electricity was in 1967, when about 700 kilowatts (kW) of power generation was started with 4 Taiyo diesel operated generators, installed at Chitkan by Water and Power Development Authority (WAPDA). Two Siemens generators, also diesel operated, were added in 1968. All 6 engines broke down and were replaced by 6 Chinese Low-speed Diesel Oil (LDO) operated power generators in 1978. Each of these generators had the capacity to produce 500 kW of electricity. At present only 4 of these engines are in working condition as two of them went out of order in 1992. Meanwhile two Rustin Pexman generators, each having a capacity of 1,000 kW, were shifted here from Mangla Dam in 1987, but worked only for a few months. At present the four Chinese generators produce a maximum of 1,600-1,700 kW, while they are capable of producing 2,000 kW of electricity. At day time 3 generators are used while at night all four generators are operated. Presently, total length of high transmission line is 32.8 kilometres and that of low transmission line is 15.2 kilometres. There are 28 transformers with a total capacity of 6,390 kilo-volt-ampere (kVA).

The main reasons behind the generators’ break down and their operation on low level include unavailability of spare parts, the incompatibility of generators to meet climatic conditions in Panjgur, and the hierarchical process of approval and provision of spare parts and accessories. For example when Chinese generators were installed, it was recommended on the very first day, that they should not be run on full capacity. Radiators of these generators were not capable to provide cooling in dazzling heat of Panjgur. Therefore the radiators stopped working after a few months. Afterwards they were modified to accommodate the climate of Panjgur. Two of these generators are out of order since 1992 but spare parts have not yet been provided.

Electricity is supplied in the district for limited hours. Only Chitkan town is provided daily for eleven hours (from 11.00 hours to 16.00 hours and from 18.00 hours to 24.00 hours). Other villages are provided electricity on the same timings, but every third day only. At present electricity has been provided to 2,192 consumers out of which 1,760 are domestic connections and 426 commercial; 3 connections are heavy load connections. Only three 3-phase connections are given for agricultural purposes. There has been a problem of non-payment of bills but now WAPDA officials disconnect the transformer in case payment of bills has not been made by the electricity consumers in that area. In this way the problem of non-payment has been solved to some extent. Government departments and organisations are not regular in the payment of bills as they pay whenever they have an amount available in their budget. The overall realisation of the assessed revenue from Panjgur district is about 50 percent.

The total estimated requirement of the area is 3 megawatts (MW) of electricity which can be provided in 1997 after the completion of development work for electricity provision to Panjgur. A high tension 132 kV transmission line from Turbat to Panjgur via Hoshab and a 132 kV grid station at Panjgur are under construction. After completion of this work Panjgur will be connected to Pasni power station, via Turbat, which is presently of 17 MW capacity. The pace of construction work is slow due to delayed release of funds from the government. Panjgur is planned to be connected to the national grid from Besima whenever the funds are available.

Panjgur does not have access to gas pipeline supply. However liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) is available in cylinders for cooking. It is supplied by the Sui Southern Gas Company (SSGC) and Wakgas through their agencies in the district. Some proportion of gas cylinders is illegally imported from Iran. One cylinder of 10-11 kg of LPG supplied by Pakistani companies costs 270 rupees while an Iranian cylinder of 7-8 kg costs 220-230 rupees. LPG is also available through refilling in smaller cylinders of 2 kg for 65 rupees. Although LPG is a bit costly as compared to the other energy sources, its consumption is increasing. At present, two agencies of SSGC sell about 1,000 cylinders per month while Wakgas agency sells about 1,500 cylinders every month. The consumption of Iranian gas is not measurable as many shops are selling refilled and Iranian cylinders because there is no check on refilling and selling of LPG. The price of LPG is a bit higher in Panjgur. One stated reason is that the fare of one truck load is 1,500 rupees while SSGC issues a limited quantity of cylinders. In this way the price per cylinder increases to 270 rupees.

There are only 2 rest houses in the district managed by the provincial B&R division. One at Chitkan with 6 bedrooms with a capacity of 16 persons and another at Gichk with a capacity of 4 persons. The rest house at Chitkan is facilitated with electricity and hot/cold water.

Most of the economic infrastructure and communications are developed and managed by government, either federal or provincial. The private sector is involved in transport and banking only. All the public sector banks are far behind the private sector banks, either the client service or recovery of loans is concerned.

Presently, the district is out-ranged for Ptv transmission. Human resource mobilisation can only be made possible through Education, Awareness, and Communication, for which television is an effective medium. Ptv can play a very positive role in change of attitudes, e.g. with regard to family planning.

The district is well linked through telephone and mail, though delays in mail delivery is a common complaint. Postal services need to be improved. Commercial banks are functioning satisfactorily however the crucial role of the Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan demands a broader mandate to serve the agriculture based economy of the district. Moreover, credit facilities for women to generate income need to be introduced. This is crucial as a step to address the economic dependency of women.

Electricity is the most demanded facility to illuminate homes, to run tubewells and to irrigate fields. One probable reason behind the slower pace of manufacturing activities in the district is the unavailability of a dependable power source. However it is hoped that electricity provision to Panjgur through the national grid will remove this major stumbling block to development.

In 1981, about 70 percent of the population was using water obtained from open surface wells while 28 percent was obtaining drinking water from karezes, rivers, and springs. Only one percent of the population had access to piped drinking water at that time.

According to current Public Health Engineering Department statistics, 33.8 percent of the population has access to safe drinking water through these schemes. However it is estimated that another 10 percent of the population gets illegal connection from these schemes to acquire safe drinking water. As it not always clear, which schemes function, no reliable data are available on water supply coverage of the population

As it has been indicated above, about one third (33.8%) of the population is supplied drinking water through water supply schemes constructed by the Public Health Engineering Department. In case of overhead tank or direct pumping, water is supplied through house connection and a monthly flat water rate is charged to the consumers. Most of the schemes are provided with community tanks from where children and adults fetch water. The remaining population obtain water from open surface wells, karezes, and springs. In collaboration with UNICEF, the Water and Sanitation Cell of Local Government and Rural Development Department has installed 190 deep well hand pumps throughout the district, which has made the fetching of water a slightly easier task. Basically these hand pumps are installed on already existing open surface wells therefore sources of water have not increased, but another 11.7 percent of the population got access to potable water, as water became potable only after the installation of the hand pumps. In the areas far from villages, women and children fetch water for domestic use. Sometimes they use donkeys and small trolleys if they have to bring water from a distant source. However, in the villages women are not asked to fetch water from community tanks or other sources and male family members do this job. Usually people stay near the water source.

About one third of the water supply schemes constructed by the Public Health Engineering Department are not functional. One reason is unavailability of operation and maintenance (O&M) budget, and the other is unavailability of staff for operating the schemes constructed after 1992. The World Bank has asked the government to hand over all the water supply schemes to the community. People, however, are not eager to operate these schemes by themselves, as they are not trained for it. Neither are they motivated, as government does not allocate adequate O&M budget for water supply schemes. The people argue that they are being asked to run the schemes by themselves while some other schemes are being funded by the government. Some of the schemes are non-functional, because of illegal water connections. The illegal extra connections result in less supply to the legal consumers, consequently, they do not pay water charges. Sometimes water provided for household use is illegally used for horticultural irrigation which deprives many consumers of their right to get drinking water.

The water supplied through schemes is chlorinated regularly. All community tanks are lined and water pipelines are laid one metre below the surface to avoid breakage and consequent water contamination. At present all the schemes are diesel operated therefore operational cost are high. Although water supply schemes have facilitated people with provision of drinking water, the overall satisfaction level seems low in the community.

Most of the water supply schemes are administered by the Public Health Engineering Department. The department has constructed, to date, 33 schemes out of which 22 are functional. Out of the functional schemes 4 have been handed over to the community for operation and management. All the 4 schemes handed over to the community are in Parome union council and are being operated well. The district council also has constructed two water supply schemes but they are non-functional because the district council does not have an O&M budget. These schemes were offered to the Public Health Engineering Department for operation and maintenance but the department refused to take over because of their financial constraints. The government has introduced a policy of handing over the water supply schemes, built by the government, to the community for operation and maintenance. Now these two schemes, along with 29 schemes owned by the Public Health Engineering Department, are waiting to be handed over to the community.

The water supply schemes constructed by the Public Health Engineering Department supply water in two ways: through house connections or commercial connections and through community tanks. In case of a house connection, a monthly flat rate of 30 rupees per connection is charged while 250 rupees per month are charged from commercial consumers. In case of water supply through community tanks no water charges are levied. In case the schemes are being operated by the community, the Water Management Association fixes the tariff and levies water charges from consumers. The community arranges for operation and minor repairs costing less than 10 thousand rupees. The major repair (more than 10 thousand rupees) is arranged by the Public Health Engineering Department.

The quality of drinking water in Panjgur is good. In some areas, specially on the left bank of Rakhshan river, ground water is slightly brackish and not suitable for drinking. Deep drilling is required there to obtain potable water. A total of 47 test wells were drilled in Panjgur by mid 1993 by the Public Health Engineering Department, Power and Irrigation Department and WAPDA to examine the quality of water.

In Panjgur, sanitation is very poor. There is no sewerage system, no solid waste management and no cleanliness. Three organisations, including the Public Health Engineering Department, the District Council and the Town Committee have a mandate to provide sanitation services to population, but except the Town Committee none is addressing this important issue. The service provided by the Town Committee is only for Chitkan town and, that also, is inadequate. The committee has a tractor trolley by which, after collection, household garbage is dumped on the river bank and sometimes burned. The District Council and the Public Health Engineering Department have an excuse: funds are not available. This results in the flow of sewerage water in the streets and dumping of household garbage just outside the houses; a very pungent smell is a characteristic of most of the villages. None of the government or non-government organisations has a plan for a motivational campaign to educate the people about cleanliness, garbage dumping and sanitation.

In 1995, 200 flush system latrines were constructed by the Water and Sanitation Section of the Local Government and Rural Development Department in collaboration with UNICEF, throughout the district. Although LG&RDD’s programme objective is to construct the latrines at household level in rural areas, many of them were constructed at public places, and therefore are of little use. However people are adopting these latrines in houses.

The department is headed by an Executive Engineer at the district level. The Public Health Engineering Department is mainly responsible to construct, operate and maintain water supply schemes; to look after water resources; to provide sewerage and solid waste disposal facilities; and to levy water and sanitation charges. In Panjgur, the Public Health Engineering Department is sub-divided in two sub-divisions, Panjgur and Parome headed by the respective Sub-divisional Officer (SDO). The total staff of the Public Health Engineering Department at Panjgur is 135. In 1995-96, recurrent budget of the department was about 5.7 million rupees. The department levied an amount of 135,281 rupees on account of water charges and deposited to the provincial government account. The operation and maintenance budget in 1995-96 was 2.6 million rupees and the same has been requested for 1996-97, but this amount has not been received to date. The department has recruited a Community Development Officer to motivate communities for operation and maintenance of water supply schemes and improve sanitation status by self-help. It is hoped that after handing over of water supply schemes to the community, the department will direct its attention to exploitation of more water resources and provision of sanitation services.

The provincial government plays a major role in provision of water and sanitation services in collaboration with some international donors and local NGOs. The increased participation by the community in operation and maintenance of water supply schemes will not only lessen the burden on the public exchequer but will also ensure better service delivery.

Drinking water has been a problem for the people in Panjgur but now about one third (45.5%) of the population has access to safe drinking water through water supply schemes. If all the schemes, constructed to date, would have been functional, coverage percentage would have risen to over 50 percent. Non-functional schemes can be made functional by motivating communities to take over the schemes. The provision of electricity for operation of water supply schemes can cut down the operational costs. Appointment of a Community Development Officer by the Public Health Engineering Department is a positive step towards a bottom-up development planning model. However, besides the construction of an adequate number of new water supply schemes, more emphasis needs to be laid upon community development to ensure people own the schemes. Particularly women need to be involved as they are prime users and collectors of water and also look after the sanitation in the households. Community participation is required already during the site selection of the new schemes.

There have been some complaints of irregular water supply through the Public Health Engineering Department’s schemes. These complaints can be addressed by ensuring efficient operation and supervision of these schemes through involvement of beneficiary communities.

The sanitation and hygiene situation is a major public health problem, which need to be addressed. In order to do so linkages between the health and education departments need to be explored to address the issue.

A healthy population is a prerequisite for socio-economic development. The health status is not satisfactory in Panjgur. Common prevalence of malaria, ARI and gastrointestinal diseases indicates a lack of preventive measures and an inefficient primary health care system. This is primarily true for women. On the one hand the female population is culturally deprived of free movement outside their house and consequently they always need some male member of the family to accompany them. On the other hand, women-exclusive health facilities are hardly available and there is a severe shortage of female health staff, either medical or paramedical. Presently, 3 out of 4 Mother and Child Health Care Centres in Panjgur are non-functional due to unavailability of female health staff. Malnutrition of women is a cultural phenomenon in Pakistan. This not only results in their poor health but also increases the burden on secondary health care facilities. According to the District Headquarters Hospital data, the number of patients has approximately doubled to a total of 58,101 in 1995 as compared with the figures for 1994, i.e., 26,470. Females constitute a majority of the patients but this situation seems reverse in case of indoor patients. Hospital bed occupancy rate exceeds 100 percent most of the times. This hospital is providing health services to patients from Iran as well, as the border is only 54 kilometres from Chitkan town.