The name Quetta originates from the Pashtoo word Kwatta which means a fort. In the beginning, the town was situated within the walls of fort "A Miri" which is now used as an arsenal. The district is bounded on the north by district Pishin; on the east by Ziarat; on the south by Mastung and on the west by district Killa Abdullah.

Till the middle of the eighteenth century, the history of Quetta district is identical with the history of Kandahar. In the eleventh century it was part of the Graeco-Bactrian empire. After that it remained under the Kingdom of the Amir Sabuktagain and Mahmood Ghaznavi till the thirteenth century. In 1470, the Kandahar Kingdom was succeeded by Timur’s. Between 1530 and 1545, the Province of Kandahar was in the possession of Mirza Kamran (The brother of a Mughal ruler). In1622 the Kingdom was brought under the sway of the Safavid dynasty and remained there until 1709. Later Ghilzai came into power and ruled the area. Thereafter, Quetta was transferred to Nadir. Later on history relates that Ahmed Shah Durrani finally conferred Quetta to the Khan of Kalat as a shall (present).

The British Government occupied Quetta during the first Afghan war in 1839. Just after three years, in 1842, it came back into the hands of Khan of Kalat. Due to its strategic importance, it was reoccupied by Sir Robert Sandeman in 1876.

On 26 May, 1876, a treaty was signed by Amir Yaqoob Khan of Afghanistan with the British Government at Gandamak. Thus the conflict which emerged as a result of the first and second Afghan war came to an end.

In 1883, Quetta was formed into a separate single administrative unit (Quetta - Pishin district). Due to its geo-strategic importance, the British built Quetta as a garrison town. They extended the roads and railway network to Afghanistan and Iran. This situation remained unchanged till the partition of the Sub-continent in 1947.

Under the one-unit system from 1955 to 1970, Quetta and Kalat were the administrative units in West Pakistan. After abolishing the unitary system, Quetta was declared as Capital of Balochistan. Till 1975, Quetta and Pishin were a single administrative unit. In that year Pishin was declared a separate district.

Very little is known about the human settlement in the district. However, it is certain that the Afghans and Brahuis are recent immigrants. The Pashtoons appear to have entered the district from the north east, emigrating from their home round the Takht-i-Sulaman. Kasis (A branch of Afghan) are said to have migrated from their home around the Takht-i-Sulaman about eight centuries ago. They made their first settlement at Samli, a village near Quetta city. The Brahuis are an offshoot from the Kalat territory and their presence in the district dates back to the eighteenth century.

With the passage of time, Quetta began to expand and soon it turned into a beautiful small town. The British paid special attention to its cleanliness. However, 31 May, 1935

was a black day in the history of Quetta. An earthquake destroyed Quetta city completely. The Cantonment area survived to a great extent.

The reconstruction started soon after. Till 1947 Quetta was a small town. People used to call it small London. But rapid population growth in terms of rural - urban migration, and influx of Indian refugees increased the population at Quetta. Influx of Afghan refugees during the 1980s helped the slums to grow. New settlement in the form of housing schemes emerged at Satellite Town, Jinnah Town, Samungli Town, Model Town and Shahbaz Town. In Kachi Abadies, slums also begun to develop. The process of settlement continues. Now Quetta has turned into an over-populated city

There are some mounds and karezes of ancient time in the district. The most important archaeological site is a Quetta Miri (a mass of indurated clay). The base of Miri is 183 meter long by 122 meter wide and rises 24.4 meter above the plain. The Miri is now used as an Arsenal. Among other noticeable mounds are one between Katir and Kuchlak, known as the Kasiano Dozakh, Tor Ghund near Baleli and Tor Wasi between Panjpai and Muhammad Khel. Besides, some karezes of archaeological interest are found at Kirani, Sariab and Kachi Baig.

This situation indicates in-efficiency and structural weaknesses of the Settlement Department. Times have changed, but the Department is still functioning traditionally. There is a dire need to restructure the Settlement Department on modern lines, so that it may prove an effective instrument for future Economic planning. Moreover, in the past, people were reluctant to get their land settled as they were afraid that such settlement would impose an additional economic burden in the form of rent.

Out of the reported area 21.8 thousand Ha, 8.2%, is not available for cultivation.

The table shows that 13% of the reported area is under forest. The arable land, suitable for cultivation, is 39.7 thousand Ha and the area under cultivable waste is 43.3 thousand Ha. Thus the potential area available for cultivation in the district is 83.0 thousand Ha. This is the area which holds potential for future agricultural development.

The average maximum annual temperature during 1983-95 has been 24.5 ºC, ranging from 11.36 to 35.9 ºC. The average minimum annual temperature has been 8.5 ºC during the above mentioned period ranging from -0.7 to 20.5 ºC .

Physiographically, the soils of Quetta district may be described by four main units i.e. (1) Piedmont plains (very deep and well drained soil) (2) Piedmont basins (4) Salinity and Alkalinity (3) Gravelly piedmont fans and aprons bordering the mountains and loess plains. Each physiolographic unit is different in parent material

The central part of the Quetta valley is covered by a soil that ranges from sandy loam to silt loam. This type of soil is good for crop production. At the margin of the valley near foothills, the soil consists of sandy loam, mixed with pebbles and rock fragments and is suitable for vegetation.

In the Hanna valley, the greater part of the valley floor is covered by barren rock out crops of low relief and dry mala bed, the soil is restricted to the narrow banks and low terraces along the main stream. This type of soil is highly suitable for orchards. The soil of Panjpai plain is alluvial and the skirts of the hills are stony which are suitable for crops but due to scarcity of water, the area potential of agricultural production is not fully exploited.

However, the nature of soil in Baleli is silty clay which is not suitable for cultivation. Similarly the Chiltan surface has soils that are predominantly gravelly loams. The vegetation on these soils is mainly Haloxylon which provide poor grazing for livestock. In the Sra Khulla and Ghundak Rud valleys, there is hardly any soil cover, therefore it bears a very thin and scattered growth of wild bushes and shrubs.

As for soil erosion, both stream erosion of soil and wind erosion are occurring in the district. The stream erosion takes place in the piedmont plain along the banks and beds of streams. Such streams are Sariab Lora, Hanna river and Habib Nalla near Hudda. The wind erosion occurs in the valley floor where the material of soil is mostly clay and silt.

Three mineral resources, coal, limestone and building stone are found in the district. The coal mining activity has been in operation at Sorange for the past hundred years. Only male labour is involved in its production and marketing. It is marketed through

middle men (commission agents) who transport it to the Sindh and Punjab where it is mostly used in Brick kilns. Private sector is actively involved in the mining sector. According to the Geological Survey of Pakistan (GSP), the district has bright potential for coal production. What is needed is a comprehensive survey.

Also new technology and safety measures should be applied in the mining sector. However, its exploitation is becoming more difficult and expensive as the base of coal reserve is horizontal and narrow. Similarly there is also scope for limestone which is mostly used in the cement industry.

animals. The reserved range land like Hazagunji, Karkhasa, Wali Tangi and Chiltan has plenty of vegetation while in free range areas, vegetation is scarce.

Various types of vegetation have economic characteristics; Artemisia is used for medicinal purpose, while salt vegetation found in Ghaza and Karak is a source of salt for the livestock. Shkarai, Andropogo and Artemisia are also used as fodder for the animals. Pistachia, which is found in the Zarghoon hills is eaten by small ruminants. Some of the vegetation like camelarom, Juniper and Pistachio trees are used for fuel purpose.

The major sources of energy can be classified as energy for light purpose and energy for fuel purpose. The main sources of light are electricity, gas and kerosene oil, whereas major sources of fuel are gas, electricity, cylinder gas, kerosene oil, wood and animal dung.

Data are not available to indicate export/import of energy. However, the number of consumer connections, for electricity and for gas are available. Total electricity connections are 152,364, out of which 93,347 are domestic followed by commercial connections (54.499). Agricultural connections are 3,424, while 1,094 are industrial connections.

Total gas connections are 72,867 of which 71,188 are domestic followed by 1,613 commercial and 66 industrial connections. Among other sources of energy, fuel wood, cylinder gas and animal dung are the most important.

Deteriorating environment is a major issue in the district. The main environmental problems include (i) Air Pollution (ii) Water scarcity (iii) Defective drainage and sewerage system (iv) Deforestation (v) In-efficiencies in the management of solid waste.

Air pollution, especially in Quetta City, is the number one problem. The atmosphere in the city is so polluted that thick layers of the lethal gases like carbon - dioxide, lead particles, unburned hydro- carbons always exist in the environment.

Air pollution in and around Quetta city is mainly caused by the rapidly increasing number of vehicles, especially the smoke emitted from riksha exhausts. The other factors directly responsible for such a situation are a defective traffic management system and limited road space.

As far as industrial pollution is concerned, brown pollution is non-existent due to absence of big industries. However, thick black smoke can easily be seen in and around the localities of the district. This type of pollution is emitted from power stations and brick kilns.

With regard to grey pollution, in the areas where gas connections have not been provided so far, grey pollution exists, because people use wood and animal dung for fuel purposes.

Solid waste in the Municipal area is disposed of in the following ways:

1. Garbage and rubbish are collected in drains at household level.
2. Then it is brought out either by family member or by sweepers to the road dust bin.
3. Dust bins are emptied by the permanent labour of Municipal Corporation and taken out by trucks and tractors. There are 1000 permanent labourers, 22 trucks and three tractors for this purpose.
4. The dust bins are disposed of in the trenching rooms, 16 Km away from Quetta. They are auctioned by the Corporation every three months.

Water scarcity is another major problem in the district. According to WHO estimates Quetta will run out of water within eight years if further supplies are not found. Population growth and deficiencies in the management of water can be held responsible for shortage of water. Similarly the sewerage and drainage system is inadequate. In the villages and Kachi Abadies in and around the city, there are no drains. Puddles of waste water can easily be seen everywhere.

Forest reserves of Hanna, Urak and Zarghoon are declining due to poor supervision of Forest Department.

9. Conclusion and Major Development Issues

Although Quetta district was notified more than hundred years ago, still a considerable part (47%) of the geographical area is not reported. Although Quetta district is of course the most urbanized district in Balochistan, the official land use statistics indicate only a proportion of 8.3 % of the area as not available for cultivation. It can be assumed that a large part of the not reported area is also not available for cultivation.

More than 16% is reported as cultivable waste, which means that the area for agriculture could be expanded, given the availability of the required inputs, including water.

The combination of the climate and the prevailing soils makes the area suitable for growing deciduous fruits.

But the shortage of water is especially a constraint for further expansion of the horticultural sector.

The district has mineral resources, especially coal.

It is not surprising that in an urbanized district as Quetta, electricity and gas are major sources of energy, although fuel wood, cylinder gas and animal dung are still much used, in particular in rural areas of the district.

The environmental problems caused by traffic congestion and the shortcomings in the sanitation system suggest inadequate urban planning. Pollution, especially of the air, and the shortage of water are major issues that have to be addressed at short notice.

According to the estimates prepared by NIPS for 1995, the population in Quetta district is 676,941 and it is growing at the rate of 4.2% per annum.

Major abnormalities in the estimates of population have been witnessed. Certain reasons have been put forward to explain this situation. One of the major reasons has been the influx of Afghan refugees during the early 1980’s.

For political and economic benefits (e.g. for allocation of development funds) vested interest groups exaggerate their number. Due to psychological reasons, illiterate persons feel shy to tell the number of female members. In fact, there is a tendency among the rural population to conceal the actual number of females. Moreover, living under a tribal set up, family’s strength is normally gauged by the number of males. There is no proper system to register the birth and death rates, particularly in rural areas. Although Municipal Corporation, Cantonment Board and Union Councils keep such records, the majority of the population has not yet realized the importance of registration.

It should be kept in mind that there has been no population census since 1981. NIPS have projected population growth on the basis of 4.2% during 1981-995.

However, during this period, rapid rural - urban migration has been witnessed in Quetta, due to push & pull factors. Poverty and the lack of economic opportunities have pushed labour from the rural areas while the attraction of the urban areas (job opportunities and opportunities for education, marriage, the attraction of the bright light, etc.) pulled labourers to the towns.

Further it should not be forgotten that the influx of Afghan refugees was not limited to their camps in Surkhab, Jungle Pir Alizai and Girdi Jungle. They, due to their economic needs, came to Quetta district in search of jobs and a vast number of them are stil residing in the district.

The settlement of new housing schemes like Chaman Housing, Jinnah Town, Shahbaz Town, Chiltan Housing, Smungli Housing and Satellite Town around Quetta city is an indicator of the rapid population growth.

When the above mentioned facts are taken into consideration along with the fact that during 1961 - 1972 and 1972 - 1981 population growth rate in the district was 5.1% and 5.0% respectively. Then there are reasons to believe that the NIPS projection could be underestimated.

Birth and death rates are not properly recorded at district level. Although fertility estimates are of less direct importance in development planning than some other parameters, they are a necessary component of good projections. Information on the number of birth is useful in some specific planning context and it is of great importance to countries that wish to reduce their population growth.

In Quetta district, the birth rate has probably remained high. Estimates of mortality data are essential for establishing health conditions as well as setting requirements and priorities for health programmes and evaluating their progress and effectiveness. Not only the level of mortality, but also the causes of death, the sex and age specific rates, infant mortality and other measures are crucial for effective health planning. Moreover, they are necessary for estimating population growth.

According to the latest available census (1981), the population was composed of :

1. Children below 15 years ( 43.5% )

2. Active population 15-64 years ( 54.3% )

3. Aged population 65 - above ( 2.2 % )

5. Female population ( 44.2% )

The urban proportion of population was 74.8% and the sex ratio was 126.

Due to shortage of houses and high rents people are forced to live under the joint family system. Vast improvements in the living conditions have been observed. The majority of the households are not headed by a female. There are some households headed by females, particularly in Quetta city. In the absence of a micro survey, it is difficult to ascertain their number.

The census of 1981 defines "A household , as a person or a group of persons living together and eating from the same kitchen and using the same budget, whether or not related to each other". According to the above source, the average number of persons per household was 8.0 with slightly less persons per room. Only 24.8% of the population was fortunate to have a separate room.

According to the census of 1981, the number of persons per room was 2.6 in urban areas, while in rural areas it was 2 persons per room. Twenty percent of the population was fortunate to have a separate room. 77.4% of the households in the district had piped water facility.

Dependent population includes children below 15 years and above 65 years. The dependency ratio in district Quetta is very high as evident from the 1981 census. There were 43.5% children below the age of 15 years and the population of those above the age of 65 years was 2.2%. It should be kept in mind all women excluding working women to a greater extent are dependent.

It is obvious that the dependency ratio is very high, which is mainly due to a higher level of fertility. It is a very alarming situation having serious implications: The higher the dependency ratio the greater the burden on the society. Although one of the positive effects may be a younger, healthier and more productive labour force at a later stage. The population under 15 years of age constitutes a serious problem in the short run, independent of future changes in fertility pattern. For now, those already born require education at all levels and assistance in the areas of health including nutrition’s for the next 15 years. The child women ratio was 80.1% out of the population of 15 years and above 31.4% were never married. The currently married were 64.9%, the divorcees and widowers were 0.05% and 3.7% respectively. This data is from the census of 1981.

Almost ¾th of the population is living in urban areas. The percentage of female population out of them was 49.4% while in the rural areas their percentage was 48.2%. (Census 1981).

Most of the population lives in urban areas. The population density in 1981 was 144 persons per sq. km. It has increased to 255 in 1995. The villages in district Quetta are generally adjacent to each other and they normally range from 30 to 300 households.

There are 52 Mauzas in Quetta district.

Quetta district is a multi-lingual area. Urdu, Punjabi, Pushto, Sindi, Balochi, Brahui, Hindko Siraiki and Persian are spoken in the district. Urdu is commonly spoken by all ethnic groups. Pushto, Brahui and Persian are other regional languages, widely spoken in the district.

Every year nomads from Afghanistan, along with their livestock, migrate into the rural areas of district Quetta. They normally stay in Kuchlak, Panjapi and Hanna valley. They stay for some time in their camps (kizhedi) and with the beginning of winter in Quetta they move towards warmer areas like Sibi and Jacobabad. In the following summer they return to their homes, using the same route. It has been observed that they normally extend their stay at those places, where grazing facilities are easily available. Their migration is of transitionary nature. They travel along with their families and livestock. Two types of large scale migration have been witnessed during the 1980’s. The first type of migration was associated with the influx of Afghan refugees in Balochistan. Their registered number was 375,427 and they were residing in 12 camps, one of them was in Punjpai (Quetta). Simultaneously, a large number of unregistered refugees also found their way into the district. Due to similar cultural background (language, religion, dress, social customs etc) they were easily accepted and they intermingled with the locals. There is ample evidence that most of the refugees have permanently settled in the district. They have integrated in different occupations / sectors. Indeed, they have become a part and parcel of the existing society. The second type of migration has been caused mainly by economic factors, although social and psychological factors can also be taken into account.

Poverty and the lack of economic opportunities have pushed labour from the rural areas while attraction of urban areas (job opportunities and opportunities for education, marriage, the attraction of the bright lights) pulled labourers to the town. Thus it can be hypothesized that net rural - urban migration is a function of rural - urban income differentials, taking into account the probability of getting a job in the urban areas.

Even in 1981, when the spread effect of migration on urban areas was minimum, the ratio of urban population was highest in Quetta district (74.8%). Now, the absence of data makes it difficult to assess the magnitude of the problem and its implications.

Further seasonal migration also takes place from the warmer areas into Quetta during summer and from Quetta to warmer areas in winter.

There is no major feud in district Quetta, therefore, migration due to this reason does not occure. Large scale migration was witnessed during early 1980’s, when Afghan refugees entered the district. Their registered number in the district was more than 156 thousand. A large number of un-registered refugees also found their way into the

district. It is believed that most of the registered refugees have repatriated while most of the un-registered have settled in the district.

According to population census 1981, the labour force is defined as those working and looking for work. The population may be divided into six classes by occupations: land owners, cultivators, flock owners, traders, labourers and artisans. The land owners are mostly Kakars, Kasis, Mashwanis, Durranis and Shahwanis. Most of them cultivate their land themselves or employ tenants and Bazgars. During recent years people have employed Afghan refugees as tenants. Flock owners are the inhabitants, refugees and nomads; Kakars, Tareens, and Syeds are normally engaged in trade and commerce.

Source : Labour Survey (1995-96) Directorate of Labour GoB, Qta.

In the absence of fresh district data on the labour force, it is not possible to provide time series pertaining to gender specific employment. However, there is some fragmentary evidence and the population census 1981 also provides some information in this regard: The labour force constitutes 22.7% of the total population (male 39.2%; female 1.8%). In urban areas, these rates for both sexes combined, male and female were 21.6%, 37.0% and 2.1% respectively. In rural areas these rates for both sexes, male and female were 25.8 (total), 46.3 (m) and 0.7 (f) percent respectively.

The major occupation group was "production and related workers, transport equipment operation and labourers" which constituted 32.7%, of the total labour force. The major economic activity in the district was community, social and personal services, which absorbed 28.3 percent of the working population. It includes civilian government services. This activity was followed by "Wholesale and retail trade and restaurants and hotels", which absorbed 23.7 percent of the working population.

Housing is a basic need of society. There is a severe shortage of houses in Quetta district. The housing facilities are inadequate and their quality is also substandard. Most of the houses are constructed with mud and unbaked bricks, without proper toilet and drainage facilities. The houses are constructed without any planning or design and without approval of municipal corporation. In urban areas due to greater increase in population and migration from rural to urban areas the problem of houses is becoming more acute. The streets are very narrow and without street lights.

In rural areas the quality of the houses is generally lower than in urban areas, with the difference that the houses are spacious but lack proper sewerage and sanitation systems. Moreover the way of disposing of solid waste is quite different from urban areas.

According to latest available census (1981), the proportion of owner occupied houses was 54% followed by rented houses 28%, and 19% rent free houses. During the last sixteen years the proportion of rented houses has increased while the proportion of rent free houses in urban areas declined drastically.

The 1981 census has pointed out that about 50% of housing units used unbaked bricks and mud, and about 30% baked bricks / stones and cement as construction material. The construction in the new housing schemes around Quetta is according to specifications such as RCC and RBC. These houses are constructed with cement and baked bricks.

The sources of energy for light purpose are mainly electricity and kerosene oil. In 1981 the proportion of population using electricity and kerosene oil for light purpose was 71% and 28% respectively. But due to rapid electrification of villages, and the provision of natural gas facilities it is estimated that currently 75% of the population is using electricity and 25% is using kerosene oil and natural gas for light purposes.

As far as the sources of cooking are concerned; gas, fuel wood, dried bushes, animal dung, cylinder gas and piped natural gas are used. In the recent past, natural gas through pipe line has been supplied to Quetta Cantonment. Now, almost all the residents of urban areas are using piped gas as main source for cooking. This is evident from the 4,126 gas connections. According to the 1981 census, 75% were using fuel wood, 17% animal dung 8% kerosene oil and 5% cylinder gas. It can be inferred that the percentage of piped gas and cylinder gas users has tremendously increased while the percentage of fuel wood users has decreased due to the high price of wood and availability of cylinder gas. In rural areas animal dung, fuel wood and dry bushes are still used as fuel. The use of gas is increasing in rural areas.

The estimated population of Quetta District in 1995 was 676,941. According to Public Health Engineering Department authorities (PHED), 75-80% of the rural population is getting benefit from water schemes. The facilities cover 88 points / places. These points are the most densely populated areas of the district. In the urban areas almost everyone has access to water supply facilities. However, there is acute shortage of water in and around Quetta city.

There is no data available to show the percentage of houses using flush system. However, flush system in some form is present in the urban areas. In recent years some international donor agencies have financially and technically assisted the community in some of the rural areas of Quetta district for the improvement of sanitation, particularly the toilet system.

The discussion pertaining to migration leads to the conclusion that rural life must be made more attractive. Agriculture productivity and incomes must be raised, thus reducing the urban - rural differences. Rural employment opportunity must be expanded both in farm and non-farm sectors. Physical and social infrastructure facilities (roads, schools, health facilities) must be introduced and improved. This is essential to prevent further urbanisation.

The population of the district has increased very rapidly, among other things, rural - urban migration was an important factor. The majority living in rural areas do not consider the number of children as an economic burden. Male children are considered as an asset for the family.

The dependency ratio is very high, mainly due to a high level of fertility. It is a very alarming situation. It is likely that the proportion of dependent population would further increase, aggravating the already unfavourable population structure.

It is unfortunate that vital statistics on population are not available. Due to this, projections of future population planning cannot be carried out.

Most of the houses in rural areas are owner occupied. They are normally constructed without future planning, thus giving rise to slums. There is an acute shortage of houses in Quetta, that is evident from the number of housing schemes mushrooming around Quetta city.

The accessibility and coverage of energy for cooking and light purposes has increased. Fuel wood as a source of energy has declined in urban areas and gas has completely replaced it. Normally male members provide fuel wood for the house, in the absence of piped water, females and children fetch water.

The major sources of income of the residents are trade, transport, government jobs, agriculture and mining. The informal sector is also playing a very significant role in generating income. Like in other urban centres, in Quetta city a large number of shops, street vendors, small garages (auto repair shops) and tailoring shops can be observed.

Food habits among the major ethnic groups are almost identical, they take meals twice a day along with a light breakfast. Meat is the main item of the meal and wheat is the staple food. However, food habits of Punjabi and Urdu speaking (Mehajir) are different. Their meals usually contain mutton, vegetables, pulses flavoured and cooked with chillies. Tea is normally offered in the houses to guests. In summer lassi (a yoghurt drink) is widely used as refreshment.

In fact, the pattern of food habits is changing. Fruit, sweets and confectioneries have become part of the food, especially in the urban area of the district. Regional food specialities, that attract the tourists, are sajji, roast and Kabuli pulaow.

Since Quetta is a multi-cultural area, a variety of dresses can be observed. Both traditional and modern dresses are found in the district. The traditional dress comprising a turban, shalwar and kameez is mostly used by the people residing in the rural area. A modern dress, consisting of trousers and coat are mostly used by army officials and government employees; Jinnah, Pashtoon and Baluchi caps are also used.

Women’s dresses can also be categorised into two types, traditional and modern. shalwar- kameez and shawl or chaddar are used by the majority of women. Most women observe purdah (veil or chaddar), when they come to the bazar. Baluchi and Afghan embroidery is also traditionally used on the dress of women and children. Modern dresses are worn by working women and educated girls, which is essentially the same, but excludes the chaddar.

The family is the basic social and economic unit of society. Its structure determines the character of overall social organization.

In Quetta district, the family is patriarchal. The father is the head of the family. Both joint and nuclear family systems exist. The joint family system (where sons remain in

the household after marriage) is widely prevalent in the rural area. The main features of the joint family system are that it is male - dominated, the family size is very large and

purdah is observed by female members. In the urban area, the nuclear family system exists where a married couple and their children live together. The trend towards the latter type of family system is increasing. Urbanization, education and mass media have favourably changed the attitude of people towards the nuclear family system, especially in Quetta.

Marriage is an important social institution of society. Different customs of marriage are practised in Quetta district. The marriages are mostly arranged and take place within the tribal and lineage boundaries. The mate is selected by the parents. However, in a few cases the marriage is arranged by the partners themselves.

Generally there are two types of bride price in the district i.e vulvar and dowry. The vulvar is the payment in cash or kind by the groom’s family to the bride’s family. This custom is common among Pashtoons and Brahuis. The amount of vulvar depends upon the economic status of (bride and groom’s) family. It normally ranges from 50 thousand to 2 lakh Rupees among Pashtoons. Among Brahui, the amount of vulvar is comparatively low , ranging from 40 to 80 thousand Rupees. Sarai is rarely practised. As for polygamy, it is to some extent practised, particularly in the rural areas of the district. The influential persons either marry for pleasure or for the sake of male offspring. However, one can mention that the trend towards polygamy is declining, because urbanisation and education have changed the attitude of the people towards polygamy.

Dowry is paid to the daughters in marriage by the bride’s family. This custom is common among Punjabi’s, Urdu speaking and Hazara (among Hazara dowry is not compulsary). It often leads to a negative attitude towards daughters. Sometimes a small dowry spoils the family relations.

Many tribes have given up the vulvar system. For example, among Kasi, Bazai, Mashwani Syeds, vulvar is not taken. The marriage expenses are jointly borne by the groom’s and bride’s parents. Similarly vulvar is not anymore practised in the Hazara community. Rather, the bride’s parent give dowry in the form of domestic articles and the parents of bridegroom bear the expenses of the engagement and marriage ceremonies.

Each ethnic group has its own traditions and cultural values which determine the structure of social organisation. Cultural traditions and intra-family relationships define who should make what type of decision at household and community level. In a joint family system, decisions are imposed top-down. Male elders make almost all socio-economic decisions. At macro level, command of authority depends upon the nature of tribal social organisation. With the Brahuis, central authority exists. Decision making flows downwards from the Sardar as the head of the tribe to the Takkari as the Chief of

clan or sub-clan. On the other hand Pashtoons lack central authority. Family heads can make many decisions at community level. Mullahs also have an influential role in the decision making process. The kinship system is comparatively weak in the urban areas.

As a whole, tribal affiliation, intra-family relationship and religious ties influence the political behaviour of people.

The role of women within the family is significant. They perform many activities such as cooking, washing, managing the home, raising children etc. However, at community level their role is very limited. Cultural and social norms restrict women’s mobility outside the home. In the urban area of the district, it can be observed that women are playing an important role in the social sectors. NGO’s also involve women in different social and economic activities. Some political parties have a separate women’s wing that organizes women for political activities.

Religion and cultural values encourage collective action for the welfare of people. In Quetta district, a number of customs of co-operation exist. Both on the occasion of joy and of sorrow, such co-operation can be observed. The nature of customs of co-operation varies from tribe to tribe. In Brahui and Hazara communities, co-operation customs are comparatively strong. The kinship system in these two ethnic groups is still effective on the occasion of marriage, bijar and sargashth is collected from friends and relatives in the Brahui community. Similarly in case of enmity, they unite against the enemy with each other, both physically and financially.

In the rural areas of the district, group action can be seen at the time of crop harvesting or house repairing.

Religion plays a crucial role in all spheres of life. The vast majority of population in the district is Muslim. Small minorities of Christians, Hindus, Parsis and Bahais are also present in the district. Religious authorities control many aspects of social life and several political parties are organized along religious lines. The mosque is a centre for communal life where collective problems are discussed. Religious schools are respected by the community. Most of the disputes are normally resolved by them. At family level, religion also plays a paramount role. Religious practices such as prayers, fasting and reading of Holy Koran are strictly followed. Hajj is mostly performed by those who can afford it. In spite of religious differences between Sunni and Shia, they have cordial relations. Both perform their religious obligations peacefully. Relations with non-Muslims are also amicable in the district.

There are different ways of resolving disputes in the district. The traditional and the most effective way is a Markka or Mairh. Under this method, a group comprising

influential, notables and religious persons go to the house of an aggrieved person to request that the person or persons who committed the crime may be forgiven.

Then they settle the dispute accordingly. Sometimes if the nature of offence is heinous, women are also sent to the sufferer’s house. Markka or Nanawati is not sent in trivial disputes, which are resolved by themselves or with the help of neighbours.

The second important way of resolving a dispute is through regular law for which a separate judiciary system exist. Civil Judges resolve disputes of civil and criminal nature according to PPC and CPC. Besides, modern regular laws are consistent with Islamic laws. The Qazi Court is non-existent in the district.

The third way is arbitration. The Court appoints an arbitrator with the consent of the concerned parties who resolves their disputes.

Traditionally arms keeping is a sign of prestige and strength in a tribal society. Quetta is inhabited by different tribes, and people keep both simple and sophisticated arms. Arms are displayed on different occasions like marriage, birth of male children, sighting of the moon and sometimes at the occurrence of an earthquake.

At present, there are 23 arms and ammunition dealers in the district. These dealers are authorized to sell non-prohibited arms to licence holders. A licence for a non-prohibited firearm is issued by the Deputy Commissioner while for prohibited arms, a license is issued by the Federal Ministry of Interior. The major types of arms found in the district include (1) China Automatic Rifles (2) TT pistols (3) Kalashnikovs (4) shot guns (5) rocket launchers.

Arms are widely found in the district due to the following reasons.

1. Influx of Afghan refugees. As a result of the Afghan-Russian war, a number of Afghan refugees entered Pakistan in the early 1980s. Many of them brought lethal weapons and sold them to the local people at throw away prices.
2. Intertribal feuds in the surrounding districts have also encouraged arms keeping
3. A sense of insecurity due to an increasing number of dacoicy and burglaries in the district.

The role of women among the major ethnic groups of district is very limited. Women are bound to live within the traditional social and cultural values. The practice of Purdah is appreciated. Besides, the number of male children and social and economic status of the husband determine the position of women in the society. The status of women as compared to men is very low. Their social and economic interaction is negligible. Generally women’s rights in matters of property and inheritance are not recognized.

The role of women is, however, changing in Quetta city. The number of working women in the social sector, NGO’s and in banking is increasing significantly. The people’s attitude towards female education is becoming highly favourable. The government has institutionalized gender development. Donor agencies now focus on gender equity. A large number of women is taking part in social welfare activities. Women are involved in

politics and are members of various committees to mainstream women’s development. Women choose mainly the education and health sector for employment, due to the conducive working environment. Few women work in the government, the conditions are discouraging due to the lack of promotions and an environment, dominated by males. Education among females is spreading very rapidly and more and more girls, even from

very traditional households, are stepping in for employment. Women perform all the activities in the house while men perform all outside activities.

Child labour is common among the poorer communities of the district. According to the Labour Survey 1993-94, the total number of children working as labourers in Quetta was 1,693. This survey does not cover the children working in houses, or the ones collecting garbage. A number of Afghan refugee children can be observed collecting garbage. They are also involved in loading and unloading fruit and vegetables.

A few studies have been conducted to find out the causes of child labour.^* Their common findings are that poverty, a high drop-out rate and a parent’s death are the main causes of child labour in the district. These children are mainly involved either paid or unpaid in the following occupations in the district (1) garages (2) tailors (3) electric workshops (4) mechanics (5) shoe making.

The following conclusions have emerged from the above discussion :-

• Quetta is ethnically heterogeneous and each ethnic group has its own cultural and social values determining their respective social tribal organisation.
• The command of authority varies from tribe to tribe. Central authority is lacking in Pashtoons. Sardars, Malik and Khan represent tribe, Clan and Sub-Clan but can not effectively influence the decision - making process. While in Brahui, the central authority is strong and effective.
• Marriages are mostly arranged. The nature of vulvar is changing in a way that suits both the parties. However, dowry is still a problem for bride’s parents.
• The joint family system is widely prevalent but in the urban area the nuclear family system is flourishing.
• The role of women within the family is significant but at community level is still not significant. This is due to cultural and social factors, not allowing them to work outside the house. However, a positive attitudinal change towards female education is going on in the city.
• Child labour is common among the poor. The majority of them is working in the informal sector. The defective education system and poverty can be held responsible for this social problem.
• Intra-family relationship, tribal affiliation and religious ties affect the political behaviour of the people.

This Committee was dissolved in 1956 and a new committee was formed. Again the Political Agent Quetta was appointed as its Chairman and Chaudhry Muhammad Ali became its Senior Vice Chairman.

In November, 1959 elections were held under the Basic Democracies system. The Chairmen of all Union Committees within Quetta city became members of the Quetta Municipal Committee. Mr. Abdul Ghafoor Khan Durrani was elected its Vice Chairman whereas the Quetta Political Agent remained its Chairman.

In 1962, through a change in the structure and function of local bodies, the local government institutions were re-organised in the form of union committees, union Councils, town committees and municipalities. The second tier composed of Tehsil Council and District Council. The third tier was formed by the divisional Councils, in which rural and urban areas were given representations. This system was known as Basic Democracies as the role of local government was extended down to the grass root level. In 1970 another development took place with the establishment of Local Government Departments at provincial level.

The status of Quetta Municipal Committee was raised to a first Class Committee and a full time Senior Govt: Official was appointed as its Chairman. In the year 1972 the Local Councils were again dissolved and handed over to the officially appointed administrator. In the year 1975, the Municipal limits were extended from 2.5 Sq miles to 7.5 Sq miles.

The present local government system was introduced in 1979. The purpose of local government system is to give the local population full participation in their development schemes. Therefore, the Balochistan Local Government Ordinance ( BLGO ) 1980 was introduced and implemented.

In 1979, Local Bodies elections were held. As a result 48 elected Councillors, 2 Minority Councillors, 3 Lady Councillors and 1 Labour Councillor were elected. Malik Mohammed Zakria Khan Kasi became its Chairman. The status of the 1^st Class Municipal Committee was raised to full fledged "Municipal Corporation" in September 1981 and Zakaria Khan Kasi became its first Chairman.

Thereafter, two local bodies elections were held in the year 1983 and 1987. On July 15, 1991 the local bodies were dissolved in Quetta. Since then the administrator is handling the affairs of the corporation.

Local government in urban areas of district Quetta consists of the Municipal Corporation. It is headed by a Mayor and consists of 66 ward members. The size of Municipal Corporation depends on the number of people residing in that area. Their is one Administrator who represents the Government and assists the chairman and members in the day to day functioning.

In the rural areas of Quetta district, there are 8 Union Councils. They constitute a District Council, each union Council is represented by a member in the District Council. In addition there is special representation of 2 women, 1 peasant, 1 non-muslim and 1 worker. Thus District Council is composed of 13 members; the Deputy Commissioner and Assistant Directors of various Departments are Ex-Officio members of this Council. The functions of local Government are given in annexure four.

The traditional decision making structure at village level used to make decisions under an Arbitration Council ( Jirga ), the members of which were normally nominated by the Political Agent. Among the members Mullah’s and tribal Malik’s were prominent.

The Jirga used to exercise semi judicial powers and their decisions were accepted due to their social status. The decision had to be endorsed by the Political Agent.

The major constraint for the councils is that they are neither able to generate their own resources nor get sufficient grants from the Government. Therefore, their role in development is negligible.

There is no Town Committee in district Quetta.

There is no Municipal Committee in Quetta district.

There is one District Council in district Quetta. There are 13 members of the Council, out of them 8 belong to the respective Union Councils, while special seats are allocated to: women (2) workers (1) peasant (1) and non-Muslims (1).

The District Council is represented by each Union Council and is concerned with rural development activities. Their major functions are:

• Collection of Zila Tax.
• Collection of real estate property tax.
• To charge license fee on stone crushing plant and brick kilns.
• To collect taxes from rural shopkeepers.

These taxes are spent on the non-development expenditure of the District Council and on improvement of shingle roads. Ever since the suspension of the elected District Councils, the Deputy Commissioner is its Administrator.

Quetta Municipal Corporation is normally headed by a Mayor, who is elected by a Council comprising 66 elected member. Out of them 2 are non-Muslims, one is worker and 3 are women. However, at present the elected council does not exist as it was suspended by the Government of Balochistan. Now the Municipal Corporation is headed by an Administrator appointed by the government of Balochistan. He is assisted by a team comprising a Municipal Commissioner, Chief Officer, Magistrate, Engineer and Octroi and accounts officer. The 1980 Ordinance defines the functions as under:

1. To regulate private drainage and disposal of waste
2. To maintain slaughter house
3. To register birth and death
4. To prevent infectious decease
5. To provide relief measures in the event of fire
6. To regulate construction of Buildings.

Optional functions of the Corporation include:

1. Regulating washing places
2. Maintaining public library
3. Providing and maintaining street lights

 

4. Maintaining the quality of food through regulations.

To meet the above functions, QMC derives its income from the following sources.

1. Octroi: This is the biggest source of income, for the fiscal year 1996-97, income from this source is Rs.13,98,30,625/-.
2. Fee on profession and trade: This includes license fee for trade, animals and profession. Income from this source for the year 1996-97 is Rs.30,65,100/-.
3. Income from House Tax in the same year is Rs.51,00,000. Rent of Municipal property, fines, tax on immovable property are the other source, of income.

The Chief Minister is the chief executive of the province, Chief Secretary controls the overall administration except Judiciary, which has its own administrative set up. Chief Secretary is assisted by Secretaries of the various departments. Secretaries are assisted by Deputy Secretaries and Section Officers. Almost all the Departments have a Director General at provincial level - who assist the Secretaries of their respective Departments.

The provincial government administration at district level is headed by a Deputy Commissioner, the chief executive of the district. He is assisted by Assistant Commissioners, a sub-divisional Magistrate, Tehsildars, Naib-Tehsildars and others. His main functions include maintenance of law and order, revenue collection. He is the controlling authority for police and levies. He is Political Agent of the government.

He is also one of the members of the Divisional Co-ordination Committee. Sometimes the Deputy Commissioner is assigned a special task to monitor and report about the progress of some development projects.

Being the chief executive of the district, he is supposed to have a close relationship with the MPAs, MNAs and Senators. He provides a supporting role in connection with development schemes provided by the other functionaries of the district including the

District Health Officer who controls all health activities. The Superintendent of Police assists Deputy Commissioners in the maintenance of law and order within the district. The District Education Officer controls and supervises the educational institutions of the district. The Extra Assistant Director of Agriculture implements the policies of the government pertaining to agriculture.

The hierarchy at divisional level starts with Commissioner, DIG Police, Director Health, Director Education, Director Agriculture etc; overall Judiciary in the province is controlled by the High Court. District and Session Judge controls the Judicial Organization in the district.

Provincial Government Administration.